By Osman Gani Rashel

DHAKA, July 3, 2025 (BSS) - During the July uprising, people from all walks of life, especially students, risked their lives in the fight against the authoritarian Awami League regime. The entire country was engulfed in the flames of protest and Jahangirnagar University (JU) was no exception.

Students of Jahangirnagar University have always been vocal in resisting injustice and oppression. In continuation with that, taking great personal risk they played a pivotal role in the quota reform movement that eventually turned into anti-autocracy uprising. Their courageous actions helped hasten the regime's fall.

Abu Thauhid Md. Siam, a student of International Relations department (49 Batch) at JU, was among those who were at the forefront of organizing and leading students during the movement.

Siam, son of Zahir Raihan Jewel and Sonya Lily from Sadar Upazila in Sherpur district, is a residential student of Biswakabi Rabindranath Tagore Hall. 

He served as the JU coordinator of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and later as the JU chapter's member secretary. 

Siam is also a central joint convener of the Bangladesh Democratic Student Council and currently the member secretary of its JU chapter. 

He appeared to be a prominent student leader during July uprising that earlier was merely formed just centering reformation of quota in the government jobs.

The quota reform movement turned into July uprising where millions of aggrieved people participated, opposing barbaric crackdown on unarmed protesters spearheaded by AL cadres and their loyal forces. 

Bangladesh witnessed a barbaric crackdown on unarmed protesting student-people after the Liberation War which many people perceived that the July uprising was so terrible and intensive in the context of violence, ensuring the AL government's fall after it came to power in 2008.

Siam recently shared his memories of the July uprising with BSS in an exclusive interview.

The entire interview is given below.

As the first anniversary of the July Uprising is being observed, could you tell something about your July uprising memories and are the memories of that time still alive in you?

Siam: The memories and emotions of July are still vivid in me. These are not things one can or should forget. July marked a major shift in Bangladesh's history. The sights and feelings from that time still move us deeply. We carry the spirit of that struggle forward.

How did the quota reform movement begin at JU?

Siam: Jahangirnagar University has always been at the forefront of rational movements. So naturally, students here were actively involved in the quota reform protests. After the government reinstated the discriminatory quota system in 2024 through a court order that canceled the 2018 government circular rescinding quota in government jobs, students nationwide including at JU, rose with stiff protest. 

Later, quota reform movement was evolved into Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and due to state repression and attacks by Awami League and Chhatra League, the movement gradually transformed into a broader anti-autocracy uprising popularly known as July uprising.

Did you expect the movement would evolve into a struggle of toppling autocratic regime?

Siam: Initially, our demand was solely for rational reform of the quota system. But over times, the movement spread. After 16 years of autocratic rule, people were deeply frustrated. While the regime change wasn't our original demand, anti-authoritarian forces across the country were determined to see an end to tyranny. The movement was a manifestation of collective resolve to oust the autocrat government.

How extensive was the student involvement in the quota reform movement at JU?

Siam: Even during the 2018 quota reform movement, JU students played an active role. When the quota system was reinstated in 2024, they again rallied. Securing a government job is a dream for many, but this unjust quota policy shattered those dreams. That's why students participated spontaneously and in large numbers.

How did the non-violent protest on campus turn into violent?

Siam: The movement began peacefully with human chains, rallies, processions. There was no violence in the first. But on July 14, ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina labeled protesters as "Razakars" that deeply angered students. In response, slogans like "Tumi ke, Ami ke? Razakar, Razakar" echoed across the campus.

Later that day, a Rabindranath Hall resident was beaten by Chhatra League activists. In protest, we marched to the hall demanding justice. Chhatra League then responded with more violence. Then we wanted to get CCTV footage of the attack. But the CCTV footage of the attack wasn't released, so the hall provost was forced to resign.

The next day, on July 15, Chhatra League again attacked our procession with homemade weapons. That night, when we took shelter in the Vice-Chancellor's residence, they brought in outsiders and carried out another brutal attack, pushing a peaceful protest into violence.

What was the effect of the attacks on general students?

Siam: The July 15 night attack, especially on students sheltered at the VC's residence, was a turning point. Videos went viral, and students from all halls united against BCL. Thousands joined the movement overnight. Ironically, BCL's brutality strengthened our resolve and unity.

What was the role of female students in the movement?

Siam: Female students have always been active in JU movements. Initially, their participation was lower during the quota reform movement, so we conducted outreach campaign in the female dormitories. But, after some female students were attacked by Chhatra League on July 15, they joined in full force. They played a vital role all the way to topple the regime.

How did the anti-autocracy movement unfold at JU?

Siam: On June 5, 2024, the High Court reinstated the quota system, triggering nationwide backlash. At JU, we had just concluded a successful anti-harassment movement against a pro-AL teacher. On June 6, we held a meeting in the central library and received strong support from job-seeking students.

JU students were the first to block the Dhaka-Aricha highway. After Eid break, the protests resumed, and on June 30, we launched programs under the "Anti-Discrimination Student Movement" banner, first at JU, which later became a national platform.

Instead of traditional 'Hartal' and blockades, we introduced new tactics like the "Bangla Blockade."From July 1 to 14, we regularly blocked the highway for short periods, gaining national attention.

Then, on July 14, Sheikh Hasina called protesters "razakars" during a press conference. This enraged students across the country. At JU, students organized protests. That night, a protester in Bishwakabi Rabindranath Tagore Hall was attacked again. We marched there, demanded justice, and called for the hall provost's resignation. He was forced to resign that very night after tensions escalated with Chhatra League.

On July 15, Chhatra League became more aggressive, threatening protesters online. That evening, we again marched. When our procession reached in front of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Hall, Chhatra League attacked with sticks and weapons, injuring many, including female students.

We sought shelter in the VC's residence, but the administration refused to ensure our safety. At midnight, Chhatra League launched a barbaric attack on exhausted students inside the VC's residence. When footage of the attack spread, thousands of general students took to the streets and rescued the trapped protesters.

That night marked the end of Chhatra League's dominance on the campus. JU was the first university to declare itself Chhatra League-free.

What was the next after this tragic night?

Siam: The movement intensified. On July 16, students from surrounding colleges, madrasas, private universities and local residents joined in. The administration declared closure of the university and tried to vacate dormitories, but students refused to leave the halls.

On July 17, hundreds of police entered the campus and launched a brutal crackdown. Many students were injured. Despite this, students didn't retreat.

The government imposed a nationwide curfew. JU students were the first to break it, blocking the Dhaka-Aricha highway again which is widely broadcast and an inspiration to others.

Soon, arrests and enforced disappearances began. Our chief coordinator Arif Sohel was abducted by law enforcers. We continued the protests while in hiding. We organized protest by day, went on hiding at night.

On August 3, the "one-point demand" of falling government was officially announced. We continued the movement until August 5. On that day, the army chief was announced to give a speech. That signaled change. Then the news of stepping down of autocrat Sheikh Hasina spread all over the country.

Even as victory celebrations erupted nationwide, JU students were still battling in Savar. Police opened fire on a march toward Ganabhaban, injuring and killing several protesters, including Alif Ahmed Siam and Shrabon Gazi. Eventually, we reached Ganabhaban to be a part of the historic regime fall movement.

What role did teachers play?

Siam: The anti-autocracy teachers stood by us, protested with us, gave us shelter when we were under threat. Some covered their mouths with red cloths to show solidarity to the protesters. Prof. Shamima Sultana of the Bangla Department dared to take Sheikh Hasina's portrait down from her office, drawing nationwide attention. On August 5, many teachers were ahead of us towards Ganabhaban.

And what was the role of pro-Awami League teachers?

Siam: Most faculties hired in the past 15 years were loyal to the Awami League regime. They actively tried to suppress the movement and supported Chhatra League and police actions against us. Yet, no significant action has been taken against them. They continue teaching, though they've lost moral authority. We demand proper punishment for their complicity.

How did campus journalists contribute to the movement?

Siam: Campus journalists played crucial role. They went beyond professional duties to help us as activists. They provided updates when the internet was shut down, sending info via SMS. They risked their lives to help us plan and stay informed.

What role did the university administration and police administration play?

Siam: The university administration acted like party workers, not guardians. They never protected us even when we took shelter in the VC's residence. On July 17, they called in police to attack us. Many were seriously injured. 

The law enforcers acted as regime force and were in silent as Chhatra League attacked us, and then they opened fire on students who came to help us. They repeatedly assaulted us during protests.

How did you organize highway blockades?

Siam: The Dhaka-Aricha highway is a vital route. Blocking it sent a strong message. While it caused some vehicle disruption, most commuters supported the movement against tyranny. We always kept an emergency lane open for ambulances and critical services.

Did you face confrontations with local Awami League cadres?

Siam: Mostly our clashes were with JU's Chhatra League. But outside campus, especially in Savar, AL and its affiliated organizations men attacked us. One day, we directly had a clash with MP Saiful Islam's goons near Dairy Gate. We resisted and pushed them back, though many were injured.

What personal threats did you face?

Siam: Like many others, I faced constant surveillance. My family in Sherpur was harassed. Police visited our home. Local Awami cadres tried to intimidate my family. Our chief coordinator Arif Sohel was enforced disappearance by law enforcers.

What measures have been taken for the injured and martyrs?

Siam: We owe thm. Through the July Martyrs' Memorial Foundation, we've tried to offer financial and medical support. But we haven't done enough. More government support is needed. We're doing our best to honor their sacrifices.

Has the dream of the uprising been fulfilled at the university or national level?

Siam: Not fully. At JU, we have a new administration, but many perpetrators remain unpunished. The broader political culture hasn't changed much either. It's been nearly a year, and many essential reforms haven't been implemented yet. But, we are hopeful. We want to see implementation of reforms quickly.

What are your hopes in post-autocracy Bangladesh?

Siam: We fought against discrimination. I want a truly inclusive Bangladesh, free from authoritarian politics, power monopolies and partisan governance. I dream of a people-centered, just and well-structured democratic state.