News Flash
Dhaka, Aug 3, 2025 (BSS) – Amid the turbulent days of the 2024 quota reform movement—later known as the July Uprising that led to the fall of the Hasina regime—many assumed the responsibilities of leadership without holding official positions, following organizational directives.
One such figure was Nahiduzzaman Shipon, General Secretary of the Dhaka University unit of Chhatra Dal, who, along with others, deliberately chose not to be the public face of the movement in order to safeguard its objectives.
Since a few months earlier the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement began, Nahiduzzaman Shipon has been serving as the General Secretary of the Chhatra Dal at Dhaka University. He has been a student of the Institute of Education and Research (IER) of 2011–12 academic sessions.
In a recent exclusive interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), he candidly shared his experiences and the internal dynamics of the anti-discrimination student movement—detailing decisions, clashes, sacrifices, state repression, and the boundless courage of the student masses.
BSS: The quota movement emerged from a rather different platform. As a leader of a political organization, how and when did you get involved?
Shipon: When the Awami League-led illegitimate government came to power for the third time through elections, we expected the people wouldn’t accept its legitimacy. The January 7, 2024 election was boycotted by the public and many political parties. Nobody went to the polling stations, and we thought such a rejected government wouldn’t be able to sustain rule for long.
Then suddenly on June 5, 2024, we saw the reinstatement of the 2018 quota system through a High Court ruling. To us, it seemed like a part of a bigger plan, perhaps a distraction tactic to shift public attention. We, the Chhatra Dal, decided to join the movement as general students, without using party banners. If we had shown our party identity, it would’ve given the government a chance to label and discredit the movement.
BSS: In the early stages, how did you participate in the movement?
Shipon: From June 5, we instructed all our members to participate only as students. After Eid, on July 1, the movement returned to the streets with renewed energy. That’s when we gave clear instructions, apart from the President and General Secretary, everyone would join the protests. It was a strategic move to stay out of visible leadership so that the government couldn’t tag it as a BNP or Chhatra Dal-backed agenda.
BSS: What was your organizational strategy during the movement?
Shipon: We weren’t after party credit. We wanted the movement to succeed. That’s why we gave up our banner to join the protests.
Al-Sadi Bhuiyan, the then-president of the Dhaka University Journalists’ Association, once- over the phone told me, “If you truly want the movement to succeed, keep your leaders from trying to lead- direct them to just participate.” We followed that exactly. Without being in front, we made the movement succeed.
BSS: How were you involved structurally in the movement?
Shipon: After the formation of Gonotontorik Chhatro Shokti (Democratic Student Force), I had several phone calls with Nahid on topics like how to break the dominance of single-party politics in university spaces and how to unify people behind a spontaneous, justified cause.
Just before the movement gained momentum in June 2024, DU JCD, had received our new committee appointments. I was serving as General Secretary of the Chhatra Dal DU unit. Since April–May, some of our central leaders and I were already in touch with the coordinators.
When the movement reignited around July 1, we had several rounds of talks with the coordinators even during Eid.
From then, we decide to join the movement while hiding political identity, to prevent the government from hijacking the actual narrative and hunt down the aim of common students by mislead them with our identity. We oversaw the ground-level dynamics in two ways. Some of our juniors who were close to the coordinators gave us updates, plans, and insights into the movement’s trajectory.
We also received feedback from some journalists and tried to provide strategic suggestions to help guide the movement.
Because the movement was centred around the Dhaka University campus, I often had to monitor things directly. I spent time around Shahbagh, Palashi, Chankharpul, and Bakshibazar. Though I didn’t always enter the campus, I supervised from outside to ensure our activists were safe and the movement stayed intact.
What mattered was trust and cooperation with the coordinators. We tried to stay behind the scenes and offer support so that the actual leaders could remain in front.
To avoid any backlash, we prohibited our members from speaking to the media or becoming the movement's face. Still, many of our activists were in the front lines. Our focus was on success, not on leading.
BSS: On July 15, Chhatra League attacked protesting students. What actions did you take afterward?
Shipon: The way Chhatra League assaulted female students on DU campus that day; it didn’t feel like the act of a student organization, it felt like the brutality of the 1971 Pakistani forces. We were deeply shocked seeing the way the League attacked.
Personally, I was devastated. Many female students I considered like sisters were assaulted. That day, I decided that we couldn’t back off anymore.
We immediately called an emergency meeting. Leaders from all Dhaka-based units were present. BNP’s student affairs secretary Rakibul Islam Bakul Bhai was also there. They asked me, “What should we do now?”
I said clearly, “There’s only way open now, to enforce our all-out strengths without any delay...”
We decided all Dhaka units would take to the streets. We divided units into different spots. The DU unit was near Shahidullah Hall. When clashes erupted there, our activists stood firm, were injured but nobody backed down.
That night, Washim, who later became a martyr of the anti-discrimination movement in Chittagong, posted a video on Facebook portraying the DU JCD unit protest near Chankharpul area. The day later he was martyred.
When we heard about the deaths of Abu Sayeed in Rangpur and Washim in Chattogram on July 16th, we didn’t delay. We decided this wasn’t just about quota reforms anymore, it would now be a one-point movement for regime change.
BSS: How do you see the events of July 16 and 17?
Shipon: After the July 15 attack, we couldn’t protest just as general students anymore. The martyrdom of our brothers on July 16 broke us completely. It was unacceptable that people had to die for a valid student movement.
We decided to shift to a one-point demand, this AL government must go.
That day, we instructed everyone to gather at the Shaheed Minar. We were also at Raju Memorial. The Chhatra League was present too, but our goal was to build a new phase of movement through honoring the martyrs. On the 17th, we held absentee funeral prayers and staged a coffin procession. Many leading that procession were DU Chhatra Dal activists who participated in the program with our active supervision.
After the coffin march, police and joint forces used sound grenades and tear gas to clear the halls. About 15–20 of our activists were injured that time. It was a disgraceful event in the history of DU.
BSS: After the campus was shut and the internet was cut off, how did you continue the movement?
Shipon: On July 18, Section 144 was imposed in Dhaka. It was tense. Joint forces were deployed. We planned a march in Shantinagar. I was sitting inside the Popular Diagnostic Centre from 7 am, unable to contact other units due to the internet blackout.
I was uncertain, should I leave or stay? Will the march happen? Suddenly, I heard chanting. I ran outside and saw a procession led by our central secretary Nasir Uddin Nasir Bhai.
I joined immediately and led slogans. We marched through Shantinagar to Malibagh. As far as I know, this was the first organized protest to defy Section 144 in Dhaka.
Police fired tear gas at us. BNP’s Sohel Bhai also joined us. Eventually, we dispersed at Malibagh.
After the procession, while returning back to my house in Dhanmondi 27, I saw protests even there—students from Residential Model College had blocked Asad Gate, right near my home.
Police, Chhatra League, Jubo League, and AL cadres fired live rounds at them. I saw Farhan Faiyaz, a Residential College student, get shot and die in front of me. He was taken to the hospital by rickshaw. That horrific image still haunts me.
I bought water from a nearby shop for students. I felt Asad Gate and Mohammadpur were the movement’s hottest spots—right near Ganabhaban.
Later, I realized that the government was trying to suppress the area with full force. Notorious AL leaders were all present nearby in the arera.
By noon, fresh clashes broke out. As I returned home, I saw hundreds of students hiding beneath buildings. Gates were locked so they couldn’t enter.
BSS: On July 19, there was massive protest and violence in Dhaka. What was your experience?
Shipon: July 19 is unforgettable. It was a Friday. For some reason, I felt it might be my last day. BNP had a press conference planned at the Press Club after Jummah prayers for building national consensus.
After lunch, I stood alone at Kakrail intersection. People were walking around but afraid to organize. I stood there alone, hoping familiar faces would give others courage. Within five minutes, 10–12 joined me. Soon it became 30–40. Then senior leaders arrived on bikes.
I told them, “Press Club is blocked. Stay here. People will gather.” By then our number suppressed a thousand. BNP leaders agreed to stay. Suddenly, police fired tear gas from both sides.
I couldn’t move. I was right in front. Suddenly I felt blood trickle down as rubber bullets had hit my ear and forehead. My shirt was soaked. Dizzy, I thought, “If this is the end, so be it.”
We fell back to Malibagh under police resistance. Locals gave me water, toothpaste, and a helmet. I applied the paste on my face, wore the helmet, and returned to the front.
On that day, we clashed with police from 2:30 to 7:00 pm; from Kakrail to Shantinagar to Malibagh.
Still then I was losing blood from my ear. I went to a nearby hospital, but they refused treatment. I called a known doctor and went to Holy Family Hospital. They said my ear cartilage was damaged and might rot without surgery.
I had surgery at a private hospital in Kalabagan—stitches in my head, legs, arm that night.
BSS: After being injured, how were you involved?
Shipon: During the July 21–22 curfews, I was at home, injured. On the 24–25, DB accused me of involvement in the metro vandalism. I saw them name me on TV while I was still under treatment. I became extra cautious. I started coordinating via phone.
BSS: What was your mental state then?
Shipon: I was terrified. My younger brothers stayed up nights to guard me. I planned escape routes. Hardly anyone knew I was home. Police raided my village and my brother’s house. But I stayed nearby in a different apartment, so they didn’t find me.
BSS: How did you respond to the black badge campaign?
Shipon: On July 29, our party leaders said we had to counter the AL government program to express pain. I informed former Journalists’ Association president Mamun Tushar and wrote a complete press release about this. The red cloth and profile campaign went viral. Tarique Rahman also changed his profile to red. That press release was written by me, with minor edits by others.
BSS: When the movement shifted toward regime change, how did you respond?
Shipon: That’s what we always wanted to topple the fascist regime. It had been our goal for the past 17 years.
From August 1, the movement changed course. On August 3, a one-point demand was declared at Shaheed Minar. On August 5, we gathered at Shahbagh. I led the first march from the Katabon side with about 300–400 people. I had inside info from an army source that no bullets would be fired toward people. By noon, I heard the army chief would address the nation. That’s when I knew the end was near.
BSS: What are your thoughts on leadership in this movement?
Shipon: I believe leadership doesn’t always mean being in front—sometimes you lead best from behind. Many of our brothers were martyred. I was shot. This generation made history and Chhatra Dal was a big part of that. This movement proved Chhatra Dal is a people-centered organization.
