Rafe Salman Rifat. File Photo

By Mutaher Hossain

DHAKA, August 14, 2025 (BSS) - The July Uprising is a significant part of the history of Bangladesh as this movement ousted fascist Sheikh Hasina ending her nearly 16-year ruthless rule.   
  
Rafe Salman Rifat played an active and courageous role in the mass uprising as he mobilized the students to join the protest that sparked across the country.  
 
A former student of Dhaka University and currently a university teacher, Rifat’s political journey and recollections have become an essential testimony for this generation.
 
This interview explores student politics, the reality of repression, the strategy behind protests, and fear of failure, tragedy, family responses, and the longing for a new political order. It is not merely one individual's story -- it is the inner history of an era.
 
Rafe Salman Rifat was born in the village of Lauzani in Jhikargacha upazila, Jashore district. He completed his SSC in 2012 from Jhikargacha BM High School and his HSC in 2014 from Notre Dame College. Later, he earned his bachelor’s degree from the Department of Pharmacy and his master’s from the Department of Pharmaceutical Chemistry at Dhaka University. He is currently teaching in the Pharmacy Department at United International University (UIU).
 
BSS: Are you currently affiliated with any political organization? Were you active in student politics?

Rafe Salman Rifat: Yes, I’m currently involved with United Peoples’ Bangladesh (UP Bangladesh), where I serve as the Chief Coordinator. Prior to this, I was the Joint Secretary of the National Citizens' Committee.

I was actively involved in student politics for a long time from 2010 to 2024, nearly fifteen years. I also served as the Central International Affairs Secretary of Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir. It was from this position that I stepped away from student politics in June of last year. Before that, in 2023, I was the President of the Dhaka University unit of Chhatra Shibir.
 
BSS: But when you joined student politics, wasn’t Shibir banned on campus? How did you get involved with Shibir?
 
Rafe Salman Rifat: I must strongly disagree with that statement. Shibir was never officially banned on campus. And if it truly were banned, then has that ban been lifted now? Who lifted it? When was it lifted? Show me the evidence. The narrative that Shibir was banned is, in reality, a piece of fascist propaganda -- an idea that was pushed through a platform known as “Paribesh Parishad.” Leading this effort was the outlawed terrorist group Bangladesh Chhatra League, along with some of their allied leftist student organizations.

In reality, there was never any legal or constitutional basis for banning Shibir. The fallen fascist regime did, in fact, imposed a short-lived executive ban on Shibir only towards the very end of the historic July uprising.
 
Now, if we talk about the actual scenario -- it’s true that there was no open Shibir political activity on campus. One might ask: why not? The answer lies in the fact that since the Awami League came to power after the 2008 election, they targeted Chhatra Shibir from day one. Following an incident at Rajshahi University, a nationwide combing operation was launched to suppress Shibir’s activities. Later, the entire group was demonized under the “Jamaat-Shibir” framing. This narrative was pushed aggressively by the Awami League’s media establishment and its cultural fascist wing.
 
As a result, merely being labeled as a Shibir member became a license for persecution. If someone wanted to attack you, all they had to do was tag you as “Shibir” -- that was enough. No one would question it. I remember in my first year, I witnessed a student being beaten by 15–20 Chhatra League cadres in broad daylight simply on suspicion of being with Shibir. They then handed him over to the police. Everyone around watched in silence -- no one dared intervene or protest.
 
Even the main opposition student group, Chhatra Dal, didn’t face such extreme dehumanization. Keeping a beard, wearing trousers above the ankles, or donning a panjabi -- any of these could be enough to brand you as “Shibir” and bring serious consequences. This reflected a deeply rooted Islamophobic mindset. So, forget political activities -- even disclosing your identity as a Shibir member became a major obstacle to completing your education.
 
Moreover, Shibir was never just a political organization. A very small portion of its activities was political. Anyway, I got involved with Shibir when I was in class nine. I was already involved in their activities before entering university.
 
BSS: Tell us about the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. How did you become involved in that?

Rafe Salman Rifat: I don’t have exact information about when the quota reform movement began. From senior students, I heard stories about quota protests in 2003, 2007–08, and 2013. I also remember reading about the 2013 protests in the newspapers back then.

But in my view, April 2018 marked the most significant chapter in the quota movement. I was a fourth-year student at the university at the time, and I was on the ground throughout the protests. On April 8 and 9, the movement reached a peak. We were engaged in frequent clashes with the Chhatra League and police the entire night of April 8. The campus was filled with smoke from tear gas and the sounds of sound grenades -- it felt like a battlefield. Angry students even set fire to the Vice Chancellor’s residence.

Then, on April 11, then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina announced in parliament that the quota system would be abolished. That marked the end of the 2018 quota movement.

That movement also gave birth to a new student organization on the Dhaka University campus: ‘Bangladesh Sadharon Chhatra Adhikar Sangrakkhan Parishad’, later renamed ‘Bangladesh Chhatra Adhikar Parishad’.

At the forefront of that movement were young student leaders like Nurul Haque Nur, Rashedul Khan, Hasan Al Mamun, and Faruk Hossain. Working in the background -- helping with strategy, logistics, and information -- were leaders of Dhaka University’s Shibir unit at the time, such as Sharfuddin, Ali Ahsan Zonaed and Shamim Rezayee. I, along with other Shibir activists, was also directly active on the ground.
 
Then, in June 2024, the quota movement reignited and, with unprecedented participation from students and the general public, transformed into a nationwide uprising against Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian regime -- ultimately leading to her downfall.
 
BSS: Were you involved in any other movement prior to this? What was your role in the 2024 uprising? Why is your name missing from the list of coordinators?

Rafe Salman Rifat: Before the 2024 mass uprising, I was actively involved in both the 2018 quota reform movement and the Safe Roads movement. Even earlier, I took part in the 2013 protest at Shapla Chattar called by Hefazat-e-Islam.

In the 2024 movement, I played a significant role in assisting the policy-making process. Although I was also physically present on the ground in areas like Badda and Notun Bazar, protesting alongside students and ordinary citizens, a large part of my contribution was more behind the scenes. I collaborated with former DU Shibir leaders and others like Shadik Kayem and Farhad. I also contributed ideas for the nine-point demand and other strategic programmes. Towards the end, I had several direct discussions with Hasnat Abdullah, Asif Mahmud, and Mahfuz Alam regarding critical decisions.
 
Even before the "one-point demand" was officially declared, we were already discussing and drafting documents -- the outline for a national government, and the next phase of non-cooperation after the one-point. My job in those meetings was to take notes, organize them, type them up, and then pass them to Asif and Nahid through Shadik Kayem. They would finalize the documents and make public announcements.
 
Around 3:30 am on the night of August 5, Prof. Dr. Yunus was named as the head of the interim government, and two video messages were released, giving the regime until 3 pm the next day to dissolve parliament. In that historic video, the faces on camera were Nahid, Asif, and Baker. Nahid delivered the message. I had the privilege of standing behind the camera.
 
The reason why names like Shadik Kayem, SM Farhad, Mohiuddin Khan, Ali Ahsan Zonaed, Mahfuz Alam, and Nasiruddin Patwari don’t appear on the list of coordinators is the same reason my name isn’t there -- we deliberately stayed out of the spotlight.
 
BSS: What were the biggest challenges in this movement to bring down the regime? In what areas did Shibir contribute most?
 
Rafe Salman Rifat: There were many challenges. Many times, it felt like the movement was on the verge of collapse. But each time, a breakthrough event would reignite the momentum.
 
When the protests at public universities began to fizzle out, students from private universities entered the field. Personally, on July 18 and 19, I took part in intense protests in Notun Bazar alongside private university students, vegetable vendors, rickshaw-pullers -- people from every walk of life -- against police brutality.
 
After that, the curfew and internet blackout caused some stagnation. The video statement from Nahid and Asif, allegedly withdrawing the movement from inside the DB office, failed to have the intended effect. Instead, it backfired -- people saw it as a “gunpoint declaration,” which shifted public sentiment further in their favor.
 
The act of turning Facebook profile photos red was a major turning point. The "March for Justice" programme brought back the wave of energy. Then came the historic declaration of the one-point demand.
 
The most significant contribution of Chhatra Shibir in this movement was in policy-making. Even after frontline leaders were arrested, DU Shibir took charge -- planning daily programs, managing media, securing the second-tier leadership, mobilizing grassroots manpower, and maintaining coordination with Jamaat and central Shibir leadership.
 
In particular, DU Shibir’s then-president Shadik Kayem, secretary Farhad, organizing secretary Mohiuddin, and other secretariat members worked relentlessly. The central Shibir leadership was in full coordination with them. Among them, the current office secretary Sibgatullah Bhai played a crucial role by maintaining liaison with senior leaders like Manjurul Bhai, Zahid Bhai, and Nurul Islam Bhai.
 
In short, Shibir was deeply embedded in every layer of the movement.
 
BSS: The day after the clash between Chhatra League and general students at Dhaka University, private university students entered the field with great force. What do you think was the real trigger behind this? How would you evaluate their contribution?
 
Rafe Salman Rifat: I can't say for certain what the real trigger was. But to me, that was the true spark of Generation Z. What the private university students did was truly unprecedented. I could never have imagined it. Their bravery will forever hold a place of honor in the nation’s history.
 
It was through their boundless courage and sacrifice that this movement evolved from a quota reform protest into a one-point movement demanding the downfall of killer Hasina.
 
There’s no fixed metric to measure their contribution. But I can say with certainty -- from now on, in any just movement, wherever the students of public universities stop, the private university students will rise like a flame. We’ve now seen it with our own eyes.
 
BSS: What do you believe were the most effective decisions that ensured the movement's success?

Rafe Salman Rifat: In my opinion, the most effective decision was the nine-point demand and the unwavering commitment to it. The government tried, through its agents, to float an alternative eight-point list, but it failed.
 
Second, turning Facebook profiles red -- under the theme “Remembering Our Heroes”. Though symbolic, it spread like wildfire and left a profound emotional impact.
Third, the ‘March for Justice programme’ was another breakthrough. Shadik Kayem worked tirelessly to make it a success.
 
Their strategy was to alternate -- one day a hard action, the next a soft one. For example, a street protest one day, and an online psychological campaign the next. This alternating strategy was also effective.
 
Overall, though the movement may not have been meticulously designed from day one, the timely decisions taken at critical junctures transformed it into a well-organized mass uprising with a clear objective. That was its greatest success.
 
BSS: There has been debate over who authored the nine-point demands. Who wrote it? Where and how was it created?

Rafe Salman Rifat: This is a very important question. The nine-point demands didn’t have a single author. Those of us involved, either directly or indirectly, all contributed in different ways. Everyone provided input, suggestions, ideas.
 
From what I recall, discussions around the demands began on the afternoon of July 18. Shadik Kayem and Farhad were coordinating with the rest of the organizers. A group of journalists was also involved in drafting. 
 
The next day, newspapers published the nine-point demands. But I noticed -- not a single TV channel aired them.
 
BSS: How did the transition from the Nine-Point demands to the One-Point happen? Why the sudden demand was placed for Sheikh Hasina’s resignation? What were the challenges after the One-Point was announced?
 
Rafe Salman Rifat: It took nearly two weeks to move from the Nine-Point to the One-Point. It was by no means a sudden decision. Only after the movement had built up significant momentum the One-Point declaration was made.

On August 3, we were at the Shaheed Minar with Nahid and Asif. That morning, Shadik, Zonaed Bhai, and others joined an online group call where we had extensive discussions about the One-Point declaration, the structure of a national government, and the outline of a non-cooperation movement.
 
Preparations had begun the night before. But as Nahid was late arriving that afternoon, I began to feel uneasy -- there were strong rumors of an impending emergency declaration or even martial law.
 
At one point, I pulled Asif aside and told him, "Go ahead and make the announcement yourself." A little later, Nahid arrived and stood in front of the camera to formally announce the One-Point demand.

The biggest challenge after that was to sustain the momentum into the next day.
 
August 4 was the regime’s last battle. That day, it wasn’t the police only -- it was the armed cadres of the Awami League, Jubo League, and Chhatra League who took to the streets.
 
All day there were gunfights and clashes in Shahbagh, Farmgate, Kawran Bazar. But in the face of overwhelming public resistance, they couldn’t hold their ground. Several buildings, including the Awami League office, were set ablaze.
 
That evening, confusion arose over the next day’s program. At first, a “workers and women’s rally” was announced. Then came the announcement for a “March to Dhaka” on August 6. But due to strong objections from Zonaed Bhai and Shadik, the decision was reversed, and the “March to Dhaka” was held on August 5 instead.
 
BSS: What was your mental state when people were dying in such large numbers every day? Did you witness deaths firsthand? Did these deaths instill fear or terror in you?

Rafe Salman Rifat: It’s difficult to describe what I felt during that time. I carried a deep trauma for a long time. I saw many people get shot before my eyes. I saw bloodied bodies lying outside hospitals. The eyes of the people around us held a strange combination of burning rage, unbearable grief, and unshakable courage -- a blend of pain and bravery that’s impossible to describe.
 
BSS: Do you have any personal experience or tragic event from this movement that will continue to inspire you for the rest of your life?
 
Rafe Salman Rifat: Yes. One of the most unforgettable moments of my life happened on August 2, right after Jummah prayers. A procession of UIU students marched from Al Mustafa Mosque to Notun Bazar. I was part of it, along with a few teachers.
 
At the start of the march, my wife stood holding our six-month-old son. Several people took pictures of that moment. Within hours, the photo went viral on the "Anti-Discrimination Student Movement" Telegram channel and across Facebook pages.
 
During the movement, I usually avoided being photographed. No photo of me can be found -- but my son’s image became an iconic symbol of the July Uprising. To me, that’s one of the greatest inspirations of my life.
 
My son, Mahsan Al Fatih, at just six months old, became part of history -- and that is my greatest pride.
 
BSS: Do you think there is a need for a new political framework or system after this mass uprising? What should it look like, in your opinion?
 
Rafe Salman Rifat: Absolutely. This fascist regime didn’t just repress people -- it systematically destroyed every state institution. Through party politicization, it eliminated accountability, transparency, efficiency, and morality from the system.
 
Our political landscape is now deeply embedded in a culture of corruption, land-grabbing, and extortion. So the first and foremost need is political reform.

In post-uprising Bangladesh, political parties must also expel fascism from within and restore democratic values. The tendency to control politics through muscle power must end.
 
Most crucially, criminals must be purged from politics. Murderers, rapists, thieves, corrupt officials, and terrorists must never be allowed to enter politics again.
 
To this end, there must be a national consensus and anti-fascist charter among political parties. If that fails, then another mass social movement will be necessary -- this time focused on political reform.
 
BSS: What do you think would have happened if this movement had failed?
 
Rafe Salman Rifat: Failure simply wasn’t an option. The consequences of failure would have been so horrific, I can’t even imagine them.
 
So many lives, so much blood, so many families’ tears, so many dreams would have been lost -- far beyond calculation.
 
Victory was the only fate for this movement. Because it wasn’t just a political demand -- it was a fight for the soul of the people, a struggle for the future’s very existence.
 
And now, we are no longer looking for immediate rewards -- we have entered a long-term struggle to reconstruct the state. This uprising wasn’t just about toppling a regime - it marked the beginning of a civilizational restoration.