By Md.Tanver Hasan

SYLHET, July 16, 2025 (BSS)  – Like other universities, students of Shahjalal University of Science and Technology (SUST) joined the July movement ignoring  threats given by unknown persons. 
 
The  Awami League government launched a massive scale of tortures on peaceful protesters to suppress their logical demands  when  discriminations were growing alarmingly to establish fascism in the country.   

From the very beginning, Jannat Tabassum, a student of Anthropology department at Shahjalal University of Science and Technology (SUST), was actively involved in the movement. 

The driving force in Sylhet was the student body of the university, which eventually mobilized the general public as well.

To organize the movement at SUST, a coordination committee was formed, and Jannat was a key member. She didn’t just shout slogans; she also led organizational efforts, media communication, and manpower coordination at the ground level.

In an interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Jannat Tabassumshared her memories of those turbulent days, recounting fear, repression and especially the threats women activists faced from pro-government groups and the ruling party’s student wing.

BSS: What factors do you think fueled the July movement?

Jannat Tabassum: The July movement didn't start as a mass movement. It began as a student protest, specifically, an anti-quota student movement. When we enrolled in university, we noticed how the quota system, particularly the freedom fighter quota, enabled some to secure admission to better subjects or qualify for jobs despite lower merit. 

The same thing happens in the Bangladesh Civil Service (BCS) exams, those ranked higher often don’t get jobs, while lower-ranked candidates do.

This isn’t how meritocracy works. Those injured or martyred during the July movement are being rehabilitated or offered jobs instantly. While that’s justifiable as an immediate relief like it was during the Liberation War. It cannot be a perpetual system passed down through generations. It’s not acceptable. 

When the protests began and calls were made from the dormitory gates, “Sister, come out and claim your rights”. I couldn’t stay inside anymore. Even though I didn’t plan to take the BCS exams, even though I wanted to study abroad, I felt that I had to raise my voice against injustice. That’s why I joined the protests and stayed involved every day.

The protest began strictly as a movement against the quota system. I believe the former fascist Prime Minister wanted to preserve power by appointing loyalists rather than meritorious candidates. She wanted to entrench her dynasty.

How did the Sylhet protests originate and who played the leading roles?

Jannat Tabassum: The protests in Sylhet were primarily centered around SUST. Initially, nowhere else in Sylhet saw such agitation. From June 18–19, the movement was contained within the university. A turning point came around the 6th or 7th when we were protesting in the rain at the university gate and a bus from Leading University tried to drive through our sit-in.

Before that, private and national university students weren’t involved. Parents weren’t concerned either. 

The public university students, those preparing for BCS and committed to justice were the ones who began it. 

Later, Leading University students, after a brief confrontation, joined us. They played a vital role, but the seed of the movement came from public university students.

At SUST, a group of senior Master’s students first created a group chat for coordination. Several groups and Facebook pages soon followed. Initially, I knew no one. My friend Sweety, seniors like Galibbhai, Lubnaapu and Faisal bhai were there. 

We junior students helped lead too. We brought microphones, encouraged more female participation and formed dedicated women’s groups on Facebook and Messenger.

Getting female students involved was difficult. In our society, girls are often left behind. Not because they lack courage, but because society suppresses them. So, we regularly posted in our groups and went door-to-door in dormitories, shouting, “Sisters, come out!” Eventually, many did. The coordination team was key. Without them, the July uprising would not have taken the shape it did.

How did you decide on protest tactics and who was involved?

Jannat Tabassum: Decision-making wasn’t difficult. If something happened in Dhaka like chhatra league or police attacks on women then we would instantly act. Each act of oppression prompted immediate local response.

What major challenges did you face during the movement?

Jannat Tabassum: The challenges were countless. As a woman, I’ll start with the threats we faced. From July 7–8, we received anonymous calls and messages from fake IDs. My friend also faced threats. They said things like, “If you want to protect your life and honor, don’t go to the protests.”

There were threats of leaking personal videos. Our families also pressured us. 

I never told my parents I was protesting, but when they saw me on TV, my father broke down and pleaded with me not to go. He even made me swear.

Still, the next day, when I heard the slogans, I couldn’t stay back. One of my sisters from Dhaka University was bleeding after being beaten. I couldn’t take it. I grabbed my scarf and left. My roommate was shocked. But I said, “Apu, I can’t just sit here.”

Can you recall any particularly emotional moments from the movement?

Jannat Tabassum: On July 14, when we shouted “TumiKe, Ami Ke, Razakar! Razakar!” slogans at night and rallied, we had no idea how many students would join. But soon, all the dorm girls joined in. It became a massive march. But the ruling party’s student wing attacked us.

Sheikh Hasina had said, “My Chhatra League is enough to handle them.” That was a signal. On July 14, we clashed near the D and A buildings of the university. They violently beat up our brother Shishir. 

When he was taken to Mount Adora Hospital, they refused to admit him. At Osmani Medical, they just bandaged him and sent him away, as Chhatra League hunted for him. Some of our brothers had to hide on hospital floors.

We continued the protest on July 15. That day, the crowd was huge. Students from public, private and even lower-income backgrounds joined. It turned into a people’s movement. 

July 15 felt like a real turning point. That day, police and Chhatra League didn’t attack us. They stood silently on one side. We marched, gave speeches and no one interfered.

It was the most peaceful and proud protest day. Even the police were afraid. We felt we’d achieved something. Imagine, a fascist regime that ruled for over 15 years was toppled in less than a month. That was our biggest achievement.

What roles did teachers, university staff and the general public play during the movement?

Jannat Tabassum: Students led the movement, but by July 14, private universities and colleges in Sylhet had joined. On July 18, when the girls were told to vacate dorms, we appealed to our hall provost not to evict us. She promised she wouldn’t. But the next morning, she said she had no choice.
My roommate and I decided not to leave. We messaged the group. About 15 girls stayed with us until 11 a.m. 

Eventually, the provost came and tearfully asked us to leave, even offering her home as shelter. We respected her feelings and left. It was clearly a tactic to weaken the movement, and to some extent, it worked.

Some teachers supported us, raising awareness on social media, joining human chains. 

Others tried to suppress the movement. Ordinary citizens helped too. When we were chased by police, aunties and uncles in residential areas scolded them. One uncle’s plea, “Kill me but spare these children”, broke my heart. That gave us strength.

Opposition political parties, suffering under the regime, also extended support. The revolution wouldn’t have succeeded without the collective efforts of political, professional, and working-class people. People gave us food, water, snacks, whatever they could. That generosity fueled the movement.

What about social media? How did it affect the movement?

Jannat Tabassum: Social media was incredibly active. It inspired me personally. Posts were widely shared and commented on. Our red profile picture campaign created a sea of red online, which really threatened the Awami League. It was a powerful tool for mass mobilization.

After one year, what has been achieved and what overlooked?

Jannat Tabassum: As a woman, I must say, one major negative is that women's value in society has diminished post-revolution. During Sheikh Hasina’s time, some progress was beginning. Now, it feels like we’ve gone backward.

I faced a bitter personal experience. One day, I took a rickshaw with a junior male student. When I got off, a stranger asked, “Is he your boyfriend?” Then he started moralizing about girls who hang out with boys. That kind of intrusion never happened before. Even our SUST girls often face this.

I used to think these were just rumors spread by the regime to discredit us. But now I see it firsthand. It's shocking and disheartening, especially when our own brothers from the movement ignore us or exclude us now. It’s painful.

How can women’s value be restored in the society?

Jannat Tabassum: First, we need a shift in mindset. If people believe women are less capable, too emotional, or a burden, that must change. Even in universities, we see such thinking.

In villages, microcredit for women often benefits men. Women bear the debt burden but don’t even get a sari out of it. The government must ensure that health care, maternal care and economic rights are truly enforced. Feminism isn’t just about slogans or symbolic protests. It’s about fighting real oppression, like domestic abuse in rural homes.

Seminars and training programs must be organized to raise awareness. Only then will we see real change.

 

How has the movement affected your personal life?

JannatTabassum: It’s been deeply painful. After August 5, coordination leaders like me were gradually marginalized. I started feeling maybe I made a mistake by submitting my name for the central team. I didn’t want to, but no one else was coming forward.

Now, I face constant slander online, filthy comments that could drive anyone to suicide. Even during recent protests, people questioned why a coordinator was present. But I joined out of conscience. Isn’t that enough?

Is there specific moment that still haunts or inspires you?

Jannat Tabassum: Yes. The moment a middle-aged father told police at the university gate, “Kill me, but not my children”. That moved me the most. That’s what gave us the strength to keep fighting.

Mass people came forward with all kinds of assistances that hugely motivated the students for scaling up the quota reform movement that eventually turned into mass uprising.  On August 5, 2024, the student-led July movement finally ousted fascist Sheikh Hasina ending her nearly 16- year rule.