Maliha Namlah- File Photo

By Osman Gani Rashel  

DHAKA, July 15, 2025 (BSS) – Historically, students at Jahangirnagar University (JU) have always been at the forefront of political movements for establishing democracy in the country.  

Following that tradition, they participated in the quota reform movement and the subsequent anti-discrimination uprising, risking their lives.

With nearly half of JU's student population being women, their active participation in every movement on campus has been notable. Women students fought with full dedication during the anti-authoritarian protests as well.

Among the few women who led and mobilized students during the uprising, Maliha Namlah, a student of Journalism and Media Studies department (50 Batch), stood out prominently.

Daughter of Mosleh Uddin and Ruhina Tasnim, Maliha grew up in the Mohammadpur area of Dhaka and is a resident student of Fazilatunnesa Hall at JU.

She served as the spokesperson for the anti-discrimination student movement at JU.

On the night of July 15, when Chhatra League (BCL) activists launched a brutal attack on quota reform activists inside the vice-chancellor’s residence, Maliha went live on Facebook, broadcasting the attack in real-time. 

Thousands of JU students, seeing the video, marched to the VC's residence at midnight, forcing the BCL attackers to flee and completely shifting the momentum of the protest.

Maliha remained at the forefront of the anti-authoritarian uprising even after that night. In an exclusive interview with BSS, she recalled her memories of the July uprising.

BSS: As a female student, how did you become involved in this movement?
Maliha: Since enrolling at JU, I’ve actively participated in protests against any injustice on campus. Even before joining university, I was involved in different movements during my college years.
I was engaged in the 2024 quota reform movement from the beginning. Due to health issues, I was at home for a few days, but after BCL attacked the protesters on July 14 at JU, I returned and rejoined the movement.

BSS: Did you anticipate that the quota reform movement would evolve into anti-autocracy movement?
Maliha: Students launched the quota reform movement to ensure access of meritorious students to government jobs. But the Awami League government swooped on peaceful protests to suppress their logical demands. When the quota reform movement reached its peak, the autocratic ruler Sheikh Hasina carried out brutal crackdown on protesters that turned it into anti-autocracy movement.                     

BSS: How did the quota reform movement begin at JU?
Maliha: There was a quota reform protest in 2018, before I was admitted to the university. On June 5, 2024, when the High Court overturned the 2018 government circular that had annulled the quota system, protests erupted across universities. At JU, on June 6, some students including Siam Bhai held a meeting at the central library with job aspirants who studied there. 
They immediately began a protest demanding rational reform of the quota system by briefly blocking the Dhaka-Aricha highway. That was the beginning of the 2024 movement at JU.

BSS: How did the initially peaceful protest turn violent?
Maliha: Our demonstrations were systematic: it included rallies, human chains, and brief highway blockades. There was no violence. But on July 14, when fascist Sheikh Hasina called protesters “Razakars” (traitors), students began chanting slogans like “Tumi ke, Ami ke? Razakar! Razakar!” 
In retaliation, BCL activists assaulted a protester from the Bishwakabi Rabindranath Tagore Hall that evening. That’s when BCL turned aggressive and the movement began to spiral into violence.

BSS: How did the movement continue on campus from the beginning till August 5?
Maliha: The movement began on June 6, just after the High Court verdict. Then came the Eid holidays, so the campus remained closed and this slowed the movement. But when students returned after the break, the protests resumed with renewed intensity.
Initially, there was no violence. But on July 14, things escalated rapidly. That evening, BCL assaulted students trying to rescue their peer from Rabindranath Hall. Many, including Labib Bhai, were injured. The hall provost was later forced to resign for refusing to show CCTV footage.
Seeing these events online, I couldn’t stay away. I returned to the campus on July 15. That evening, BCL again attacked students with sticks and sharp weapons near Bangabandhu Hall. Many were severely injured, including female students like Faiza Apu. Jahid Bhai suffered a severe head injury.
At the university medical center, the cries of the injured were unbearable. Many were taken to Enam Medical College in Savar. Feeling unsafe, we began a sit-in in front of the VC’s residence demanding justice and protection.
The VC and administration offered no shelter or assurance. Initially, about 200–250 students protested there, later it declined to 70–80. We then learned that BCL was bringing in armed outsiders again. Fearing for our lives, we climbed over the main gate into the VC’s yard, pleading for shelter. He refused to open his door.
At midnight, BCL supporters arrived with a procession and began attacking from outside throwing bricks and petrol bombs. We huddled together inside, trying to stay safe. I went live on Facebook to show the brutal attack.
Some faculty members proposed escorting female students safely to their halls but we feared that male students would be handed over to BCL. So we refused. Later, police arrived, but they too remained as silent observers.
Eventually, BCL broke through the VC residence gate and stormed in, attacking us directly. They wanted to drag us outside to finish the job. We were trapped inside, injured and terrified. I went live again, pleading for help, sending messages to various groups.
That one-minute live video spread like wildfire garnering 4.6 million views. Students across campus saw it and rushed to our rescue. Thousands marched through the night. Facing rebellion, the BCL members fled. The students were freed. That night marked the end of BCL's dominance at JU. Ours was the first campus to declare itself BCL-free.

BSS: What happened after the July 15 attack?
Maliha: The movement intensified each day. On July 16, students from surrounding schools, colleges, madrasas and private universities joined us. Even local people supported the movement.
In response, the administration shut down the university and ordered halls to be vacated. Realizing this was a tactic to suppress the protests, we defied the order and stayed in our halls. 
On July 17, police forces were brought in and a violent crackdown was launched, injuring many students. Still, we didn’t retreat.
On July 18, we marched again, though our numbers were fewer. Locals from Gerua area joined us, forcing police to retreat. We locked the campus gates and resumed occupying the halls.
Meanwhile, I became a target. Intelligence agents were spotted near our home, which alarmed my parents. I briefly returned home on July 24. But on July 28, our central coordinator Arif Sohel Bhai was abducted by the Detective Branch. DB officers also came to our home. My cousins then took me to a secret location. I stayed in a flat there, basically under house arrest.
After four days, on August 1, I was brought back. On August 3, I joined the protest at Shahbagh, where the “One-point Demand” for Sheikh Hasina’s resignation was declared. I returned to campus that night and stayed at a teacher’s house.
On August 5, the decisive moment arrived. We began the “Long March to Dhaka” from campus. Initially, our numbers were small, but thousands joined in from Savar. As we reached Savar, police opened fire.
Many beside me were shot and killed instantly. It was a bloodbath. Despite learning that Sheikh Hasina had resigned and fled, the police continued firing. They even shot into our victory procession that was heading to Ganabhaban. Still, we advanced and finally reached Ganabhaban to raise the flag of victory.

BSS: As a female protester, what challenges did you face?
Maliha: Jahangirnagar University has always been a women-friendly campus. Personally, I didn’t face any particular obstacles as a female student.

BSS: What was the level of female participation in the movement and how did you organize them?
Maliha: At first, female participation was low. But once BCL started attacking protesters, women students joined in large numbers. We created Messenger and WhatsApp groups in every hall to coordinate and inform everyone.    

BSS: What role did university teachers play?
Maliha: Anti-authoritarian teachers supported us in many ways. They sheltered us, provided  food, financial aid, and even protested with us, often with cloth tied around their mouths in solidarity.
On August 5, they marched in front of us, acting as human shields. Prof. Lutful Elahi was seriously injured by police gunfire on July 15 night.
But pro-Awami League faculty played the opposite role. They colluded with the administration. The July 15 and July 17 attacks on students happened with their backing.

BSS: Did the university administration provide any safety?
Maliha: No. They were more focused on executing partisan agendas. The violent attacks on students were carried out under their watch, with no effort to intervene. In fact, their silence and inaction suggested tacit approval of the brutality.

BSS: How did you manage public inconvenience during Dhaka-Aricha highway blockades?
Maliha: Initially, we blocked the highway for 1–2 hours a day, later for longer. This was essential to pressurize the government. To reduce public suffering, we created emergency lanes and rerouted essential vehicles through campus. People tolerated the temporary inconvenience, hoping for freedom from tyranny.

BSS: What measures were taken for the wounded and martyrs?
Maliha: Our organization formed various teams and I led the JU Medical Team. We visited hospitals in Savar, compiled lists of the injured and raised funds for their treatment. Teachers also contributed in the fund raising initiative.
Later, I led the expanded Savar Medical Team. After August 5, through the July Shaheed Smrity Foundation, we provided financial support to the families of the deceased and the wounded.

BSS: What are your hopes for the new Bangladesh?
Maliha: The people took to the streets to free themselves from fascist and authoritarian rule. They’ve begun to dream of a corruption-free, equal society. This is the time to rebuild the country. We must breakdown the old political culture.

As Bangladeshis, it’s time to redefine our national identity. All political parties must come forward to build a new Bangladesh imbued with the spirit of July uprising.  If we don’t restructure our institutions and if we allow fascist elements to persist in our society, it would be a betrayal of the martyrs’ blood. We want everyone to come together to rebuild this country.