Shahinur Sumi- Photo: Collected

By Obaidur Rahman

DHAKA, July 14, 2025 (BSS) - Leftist student leader Shahinur Sumi played a key role in organizing female protesters during the July mass uprising. A central coordinator of the anti-discrimination student movement, she serves as both president of the Socialist Students’ Front at Eden College and Secretary of the Dhaka Metropolitan Chapter.

Born in Meghna Upazila, Comilla, Sumi completed her secondary and higher secondary education in Dhaka, followed by BA and MA from Eden Women’s College. Beyond politics, she is passionate about arts and literature, and has also learned dance at Chhayanaut.

In a recent in-depth interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Sumi shared her experiences, challenges, and reflections on the 2024 mass movement. Here is the full interview... 

BSS: When and how did you join the quota reform movement? What inspired your participation?
Sumi: I first learned of the quota reform movement through social media, which sparked awareness in me. I attended the press conference at Dhaka University—though I wasn’t directly involved yet, I was mentally prepared and closely observing the developments. My active participation began on July 02, when I joined in the field under the banner of general students from Eden College. Though the movement started under a general students’ banner, it soon became universal. On July 03, we staged a sit-in at Nilkhet turning point, boosting momentum, and later, Eden and Dhaka College students marched together at Science Lab intersection. This unified protest marked a turning point for the movement.

BSS: How did you organize general students in the movement?
Sumi: We implemented the decisions and programmes announced centrally by Dhaka University. On July 07, the ‘Bangla Blockade programme’ received overwhelming support from general students. We held a full-day blockade at Science Lab intersection, chanting slogans like: “Not quotas, merit, merit!”, “In my golden Bengal, there is no place for discrimination.” This was repeated over several days, uniting students in solidarity for a just cause.

BSS: On July 14, in response to Sheikh Hasina’s remark calling protesters “Razakars,” Eden College students broke gates and emerged from halls. What happened that night?
Sumi: On the evening of July 14, at a press conference, fascist Sheikh Hasina said: “Jobs are not for grandchildren of freedom fighters—so will grandchildren of Razakars get them?” This remark sparked outrage among thousands of students. A burning question spread—“Among millions of Bangladeshis, are we all Razakars’ descendants?” This sense of insult ignited the campuses raging anger among students. Student groups of halls  decided to protest the  ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s remark strongly. That night, students defied faculty orders, broke hall gates, took to the streets, and marched from Nilkhet to Azimpur. Their chants: “Who are you? Who am I? Razakar Razakar… Who said that? Who said that? Autocrat, Autocrat!”—declared they were citizens, not Razakars’ descendants, and demanded their rightful rights. Their protest was spontaneous, organized, and powerful.

BSS: On July 15, the same day when Chhatra League attacked  Dhaka University, Eden College was also attacked. Can you describe what happened?

Sumi: The first attack occurred at Eden College. That morning, students were preparing to join the rally at Raju’s sculpture, and the atmosphere turned tense. Teachers were unusually present around campus, asking where we were going, why we weren’t in our halls. Although there were no police inside, they were stationed outside. At 11 am, we formed a peaceful procession from the pond side to Bangamata Hall to spread our message. As we finished, Chhatra League members—led by Eden’s Chhatra League president and editor—suddenly attacked us. They used mobile phones to beat women students on necks, heads, and backs. They punched and kicked their bellies mercilessly. Although teachers stood by, none stopped them; they just urged us to leave. Injured, bleeding and terrified students fled. Students from Azimpur and nearby hostels rushed in. A group of 20–25 members broke the first and second gates to evacuate students wanting to protest. Some 400–500 female students assembled and marched to Raju’s sculpture. I fell ill, and was rushed to DU Medical Center, then to Dhaka Medical College’s emergency. After remaining unconscious for 45 minutes, I woke up and heard that Chhatra League attacked students inside the campus and even within the emergency ward. Medical staff declared they had never seen such atrocities. With no security, I escaped by 5:30 pm via Chankharpul–Banglamarket–Bongobazar route back to the hostel. As a woman I had to flee because even the hospital wasn’t safe. It was wrongly believed that female students were less targeted—but that day, women’s heads were split, faces swollen, chests and backs bruised. The aim was not gender-specific—it was to suppress any protesting student.

BSS: As both a protester and a student leader, did you face any kind of aggravation?
Sumi: Being a leader in Student Front, I became a frequent target. Chhatra League constantly pressured me because they knew we will protest against injustice. Police looked into my area, questioned family members in my village. On July 15, around four of us from Student Front were in Lancaster attack site—our very presence triggered the attack. We were among the first to march. Women activists were targeted constantly. Police raided multiple homes. Families of some female comrades received threats to withdraw their children. Many families got frightening calls, asking who their children were associating with—some were subject to surveillance.

BSS: On 16 July, widespread brutal attacks and killings occurred nationwide. What was the state of your campus then?
Sumi: On July 15, in protest of the attack, we marched from the campus via Nilkhet and Science Lab to Dhaka University. Despite being injured, I participated. Chhatra League instigated fear within halls at night. The next afternoon, through a member of our organization, we learned that a student named Abu Sayed from Rangpur was shot dead by police. The news of his brutal killing sparked outrage among students. It was unimaginable that in a reasonable movement, people would be shot and killed. Sensing the tension, Eden’s Chhatra League president Riva and secretary Rojia left the hall late that night. The next day, other Chhatra League women leaders, facing severe backlash, also left. Students found rods, machetes, hockey sticks in their rooms. The captured leaders were handed over to administration, and that day, the campus was declared free of Chhatra League.

BSS: Eden College halls emptied and became Chhatra League-free—tell us more.
Sumi: For a long time, Chhatra League has been controlling the dorms. General students complained their rooms were occupied by leaders; dissenters were intimidated. The tipping point came in Rojia Hall when a female student’s term had expired but she was still allowed to stay in a leader’s room; she was dragged out and her documents confiscated. On  July 16, announcement came to close the institution; on July 17, no one could stay in campus. Concerned students wondered how movement would continue if halls emptied. They decided not to vacate. Administrators threatened they would open the third gate and police or Jubo League might enter without protection. Many students left, with no plan or tickets. It was just one-day’s notice—no alternate arrangements were made. A few bravely tried to stay, but eventually they too had to leave.

BSS: After halls closed, how and from where did the movement continue?
Sumi: Even after the campus shut down, we announced we would continue the movement. On the morning of July 18, police surrounded Shahbag putting barricades. Access was blocked—but we did not stop. Students gathered from Eden College, Dhaka College, Badrunnesa College, Mirpur, and nearby hostels and reassembled in front of the Press Club. From morning to evening, they kept protesting. Public support soared—rickshaw-pullers, parents delivered food and water, people brought microphones, gave solidarity. That solidarity boosted morale so much that the movement persisted until August 5. After campus sealed, private university students unexpectedly propelled the movement. They had previously been perceived as self-centered, but they emerged as the forefront of leadership, strengthening the movement—leading to the downfall of the fascist government and a successful uprising.

BSS: Tell us about the “Red Revolution”.
Sumi: On July 30, “Red Resistance” became a historic moment. The government declared it “Black Day” and suggested wearing black badges. But those on the ground exclaimed, “Why black badges for mourning? We haven’t lost; our brothers and sisters have shed blood—that red is our courage, our strength!” We resolved to wear red badges, red scarves, change our Facebook profiles to red. It was the people’s color of rebellion against the government’s defined politics of mourning. Every social media profile, every face turned red. This was not just a color—it was a verdict, an expression of people’s stance. It wasn’t easy. Many comrades and friends faced personal threats, family harassment, even police questioning in villages before putting red marks.

BSS: March for Justice—what was your perspective?
Sumi: During that time, mass arrests took place—police were arresting any student they could. Our objective was to involve all layers of society, not just students. Lawyers were our true allies—they didn’t just sympathize, they stood with us. We held “March for Justice” at the High Court premises. It felt like city alleys became shelters for protesters. We intended to unite scattered groups—from Segunbagicha to Paltan and move to the High Court. We believed justice demands raising our voices not only on streets but within court premises too. The police tried to cordon us from all sides, and we couldn’t enter the High Court all morning. Then three separate marches arrived—from the Secretariat side, the Sufia Kamal Hall area, and lawyers emerged from inside the High Court. The police attempted to disperse them. The march was led by advocates like Arup Das Sham, Ruby Apa, and Motin Bhai.

BSS: Besides your student organization, did any cultural groups play a role?
Sumi: Cultural activists were vital—they did not just sing songs, but they provided emotional energy. Through musical processions, poetry recitations, street-theatre, and protest art exhibitions they inspired us. Alongside our organization, Laltu Bhai’s Charan Cultural Centre, other cultural groups, and notable activists participated. They defied curfew, joined rebellion marches and March for Justice. Progressive women’s organizations and left-wing party women’s wings held a “Women’s Assembly” in Paltan on July 25. It represented a new phase—a platform for women’s rights, opposition to state violence and autocracy. Students from Eden, DU, and other institutions participated. Shahid Mir Mughdha’s grandmother joined and said, “May my grandson’s blood not go in vain. Don’t stop.”

BSS: What happened after the one-point demand, and how did victory come?
Sumi: The one-point demand was announced on August 3—first formal demand for Sheikh Hasina’s resignation. Students from Eden College, Dhaka College, Mirpur, Rajshahi, and Chittagong attended. At noon, Nahid Bhai formally presented the one-point demand at a rally at Shahid Minar. He also announced the March to Ganabhaban on  July 6. Despite illness, I led the women’s delegation at Shahid Minar in the morning. I stayed there as the main coordinator until the announcement. That evening, the procession walked from Shahid Minar to Shahbag. On August 4, the non-cooperation movement began and curfew was declared from 5pm. Protesters remained in Shahbag from morning. Later that evening, police and Chhatra League attacked, leading to casualties. Shooting at students and clashes occurred around Chankharpul, Dhaka Medical Campuses, and Shahbag. My comrades and I stayed at our Paltan party office. 
To monitor the movement, we used online ID cards of ‘Anushilon’ media and several of us went toward Dhaka Medical. In the meantime, the Anti-discrimination Student Movement announced that “March to Dhaka” programme would be held on August 5 instead of August 6. From the night, people began arriving in Dhaka—by truck, ambulance, bike, or on foot—from Munshiganj, Manikganj, Gazipur and other districts. That morning at 9, we stationed at our Paltan office, constantly communicating our positions and plans. Using ID cards, several of us went near Dhaka Medical. By then, private university students were arriving via Rampura-Malibagh into Shahbag. Protesters were already in Shahbag. A massive rally came from Jatrabari area. A contingent from Shahid Minar also joined. Around 1 pm, news broke: Sheikh Hasina fled. Hearing that, we left the office, took rickshaws from Paltan to Shahbag. People burst in celebration, chanting “Sheikh Hasina has fled!” At Shahbag, we welcomed the army with flowers. Then, taking rickshaws, we proceeded from Shahbag to Ganabhaban.