By Mohammad Afzal Hossen Tanvir

DHAKA, July 14, 2025 (BSS) – Umama Fatema, the defiant woman who played a significant role by staying at the forefront of the July uprising, said protests erupted when ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina labelled quota reform protesting students as “Razakars”. 

We saw Sheikh Hasina label the protesting students as ‘Razakars’.   In response, we chanted slogans: “Who are you, who am I?,  Razakar, razakar! Who said it? Who said it? Dictator! Dictator!” Everyone who participated in this movement was born after 1971—none of us were Razakars. We’ve seen this before: whenever there’s a just and rational movement, the government tried to delegitimize it by calling protesters Razakars or tagging them with other labels. Our protest that day was a direct challenge to that toxic narrative—we were determined to break that taboo.

On that night, Umama said, agitating students of Dhaka University (DU) brought out processions on the Dhaka university campus protesting the insulting tag “Razakar” called by fascist Sheikh Hasina. And we drove out leaders of banned Chhatra League from halls of DU.          

Female students took bold stance despite repeated threats of law enforcement agencies and they remained firm for continuing the movement.   

The government feared these courageous students more than any opposition party. The fight against systemic injustice eventually became a nationwide protest for change.

In this gripping first-hand account with BSS, Umama Fatema – one of the key coordinators of Anti Discrimination Student Movement which later ended with the fall of Awami League regime -- reveals how female students braved batons, blockades, to lead one of the most volatile uprising in the country’s recent history.

Below is the in-depth interview shedding light on the struggles, resilience, and strategic mobilization that helped shape the movement.

BSS: If you tell me from the beginning, how did you join the movement collectively?
Umama: As the movement started on June 5, following a High Court verdict, DU students announced a protest rally in the afternoon on the same day in front of the university’s central library protesting the verdict. My first involvement in this movement was mainly from the side of student organization (Bangladesh Students Federation) to stand by the common students. 

As I was the member secretary of the Bangladesh Students Federation of DU, I felt the responsibility of representing the organization. And we were fully involved in this movement with all the members of our organization by then.

On June 9, when the first procession was taking place, at a programme held from the Central Library to the Raju Monument, there were nearly 2 to 3 thousand students in that procession. We, the girls who were in that procession, decided together that we would try to organize the girls here. 
So later, when the movement gained momentum again from July 1, we organized students from the Sufia Kamal Hall and other female halls of Dhaka University.

Initially, I joined the movement as a representative of student organization but later, this became a place for commoners with responsibilities handed down on me to lead the movement.

BSS: What kind of obstacles did you actually face while organizing the movement?
Umama: If you ask me about Sufia Kamal Hall, the first quota reform movement took place in 2018, Isha Jahan Esha was the president of our Sufia Kamal Hall Chhatra League. At that time Esha was kicked out of the hall for harassing girls for joining the movement. 

As there were clear instances of such consequences for BCL leaders, they at least didn’t try to hinder us or set any obstacles on our ways specifically in female halls. 

However, Chhatra League used to set blockades on the gates of boys’ halls to restrict them from joining the movement. But we, girls, then took processions to Hallpara and brought the boys out of the Halls enduring attacks from BCL.

BSS: What was your reaction at that time, when the movement started to gradually become violent around the 15th of July?
Umama: The role of females was visible until the 14th of July as girls comprised fifty to sixty percent of the entire procession. During blockade programme, girls participated in the most sincere way occupying the entire Shahbagh square, zero point at Gulistan and Chankharpul intersection in a very organized way. 

When the then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina called us “Razakar”, we saw the girls coming down to the streets with fresh and boiling anger. We girls were talking among ourselves and we were very disappointed for labelling us as the grandchildren of Razakars . I was too much disappointed with humiliation in my heart.

Our frustration and humiliation, later at that night busted into huge crowd in the erupted protest across DU campus with thousands of DU students chanting slogan ‘Tumi Ke Ami Ke, Razakar-Razakar’.  

On 15th July, when the girls were attacked, the entire TSC area was taken over by the Chhatra League. Girls from Ruqayyah Hall wanted to come out and join the procession. At the same time, Ruqayya Hall Chhatra League was led by Atika, they tried to stop girls from inside the hall but they couldn’t resist them. 

On that night, we girls came to a decision that no matter what, we will not leave the hall though boys' halls were slowly becoming empty. Some of the boys were leaving with their bags but the girls were determined that they would not leave the halls. 

On July 16, students were forced to stay at the Shahid Minar area during confrontation of BCL and other organs of AL with them. We were also at the Shahid Minar facing strong resistance from BCL from surrounding areas.
On that night the students of Ruqayya Hall forced out BCL leaders from the halls for the very first-time triggering students of other halls to do the same. As a result, we saw that by the morning BCL leaders were taken out of every hall of the Dhaka University.

BSS: Could you elaborate on the incidents of July 17 and what followed?
Umama: By the morning of July 17, only a few students remained on campus. The entire area was surrounded by law enforcement agency. Awami League supporters were aggressively positioned around the DU campus, clearly preparing to attack the protesters. Dhaka University was the last institution to be closed after the government announced an indefinite shutdown of all educational institutions across the country. It wasn't until around 11am that all BCL leaders and activists were finally removed from the campus.

An emergency syndicate meeting of the DU administration was held, and around 12:30pm they declared that the residential halls must be vacated by the evening and that the campus would be closed for an indefinite period. We protested this decision, as we were determined to stay.

That afternoon, another Janaza and protest rally were held. After the symbolic Janaza (funeral) of the six martyrs at the VC intersection, we brought out a procession. That’s when the police charged at us with batons, sound grenades, and tear gas. Many were injured. By evening, everyone was forced to leave the halls as joint forces began operating across the campus.

Though students were leaving, the girls were brave enough to stay back. On July 17, while most had already left, the girls were the last to leave—many staying until 8:30 or 9:00 at night. It was difficult to even think of leaving the halls. I myself was determined to stay at any cost. But when the house tutor ordered us out, we had no choice but to leave.

BSS: How did you maintain communication during the internet shutdown?
Umama: It was mostly through journalists. They played a crucial role during the hardest time. Many journalists contacted me for information but I tried most to obtain information from the journalists when they contacted me. I repeatedly tried my best to tell the journalists that we are continuing the movement.

Newspaper was another significant media to communicate. 
The only source of fresh news was newspapers. On June 20, when we formulated the nine points, many newspapers didn’t follow our demands they generalized it and used soft languages.

A few newspapers dared to circulate the news and some members of Dhaka University Journalists Association lifted the risk for it. 
During the Internet shut down, I wanted to mobilise people all across the country and inspire them to join the movement. So I tried my best to reach people all across the country in accordance of my ability.

People couldn’t reach many of the coordinators at that time but I dared to do it by keeping my phone number open so that student activists could reach me and I can help them as much as I can. This way I have helped many local people and students’ during the movement. The entire period of the internet shutdown went on like this. Because everyone was disconnected from each other during the shutdown.

BSS: How did your mange your family at that time? Didn’t you face any pressure from family side?
Umama: Of course, my family became a big factor then for me. My family came to the hall and took me at a house in the cantonment area, and then they almost always tried to force and convince me in various ways so that I no longer continue the movement. 

Since I was a student federation leader and had been protesting against Sheikh Hasina on campus for a long time, I thought, this is what I have to do and I am supposed to do. This inspiration encouraged me to continue the movement and not to abandon it on half way.

BSS: Did you or your family face any kind of political pressure, threats or anything like that because of your involvement in the movement?
Umama: From the very beginning of the movement, there were lot of pressures. There were multiple pressure on me and my family from both political and administrative stakeholders. My reality has become a mess by then. Members of law enforcement agencies frequently called me asking my location and other details which created severe psychological pressure on me. Besides, an MP of Hasina government called me over phone and discouraged me to participate in the movement.

BSS: At a certain point, the movement’s demands shifted from quota reform to anti-government protests. How do you view this transition?
Umama: After July 25, the movement took a sharp turn. Expatriates and social media voices began amplifying the call for “Step Down Hasina,” which intensified the public momentum. By August 1, even cultural figures like Mosharraf Karim joined the rallies, and with that, the Awami League’s long-standing narrative began to collapse.

That day, I was on my way to Dhaka University to join a program when, near Tejgaon College, I suddenly heard slogans echoing through the street. I immediately got off the bus and ran toward the sound, only to find renowned cultural activists leading a procession and chanting slogans against the government.

I joined them without hesitation, shouting slogans with all the energy I had. That moment was powerful—it made me realize that the movement was heading toward something meaningful. When artists and cultural activists, many of whom had previously benefited from the AL government, came out in open protest, it signalled that a major shift had taken place.

BSS: How do you see the media role during the movement?
Umama: It is equally interesting and painful. “During the internet shutdown,  I was almost detached from receiving information.”  
Besides, intelligence agents, journalists often called me and offered me to negotiate with the govt. I couldn’t believe most of the media as they were distorting our messages intentionally except a few.  I think the media war was equally fierce. Most TV channel circulated that we were foreign agents. We then forwarded footage to international outlets. Even BBC distorted my interview by cutting a key portion from my interview however, we flooded social media with raw clips and our genuine messages and it helped a lot. I think the social media played significant role during this time compared to the mainstream media.

BSS: What did you witness on August 4 to 5?
Umama: On the fourth day of August, a lot of things happened to me. I saw dead bodies lying on the floor. I saw Martyr Nafis’s body being taken by a rickshaw.

There were gunshots from the surrounding area and a man died in front of me. I was informed that my fellow Shakil got a gunshot in the head while protesting. I couldn’t sleep that night and I had to donate blood. I was very tensed and was feeling like if I close my eyes, I will die. I was praying to Almighty Allah. 

I was thinking what will happen if the internet goes off? Since morning, I heard that there is no one on the streets. People were unable to come out on streets due to police obstacles.

That morning, I was at our DOHS home and scrolling the phone to get information about road-situation. In the noon, TV screen popped up with a headline that the army chief will give a speech before the nation.  I realized that something had happened and went outside to have a glimpse.  By then people flooded the streets. I was passing by and at that moment I realized that people know me as they were waving at me and thanking me but I don’t know why! It was the moment we all dreamt of. I was overwhelmed with emotions...what we had been fighting for was finally achieved.

BSS: What was the movement’s most significant outcome you think?
Umama: The solidarity on August 2, a spontaneous procession after Jummah prayers, sparked by a viral poster, showed the people’s desire and desperateness for the movement. The movement outgrew student leadership and later turned into a mass uprising.

BSS: What will you say about women’s take in the whole movement?
Umama: Undoubtedly there is a major take of women in the movement. They played a crucial rule. From the very first day, women were targeted to stop the flow of the movement. On July 15, BCL intentionally beat women in the DU campus to manipulate the psychology of the protesters. The image of girl with bloody face became iconic countrywide, dragging more peoples’ participation. Afterwards, we saw women standing alone in front of a prison van to restrict police from taking her fellows, another image of saving a male by female showed the courage of our women. During the movement we see sisters carrying the coffins of brother on the road, again we saw women encouraging sons’ and their husbands’ not to take back.
DU female teachers played significant role in the movement with courage, questioning the legitimacy of the then govt. actions.

About Umama
Umama Fatema was born in Chittagong and attained her secondary education from the Ispahani Public School and College. She later enrolled at the University of Dhaka, and is currently pursuing a degree in Biochemistry and Molecular Biology as a resident of Kabi Sufia Kamal Hall. 

She was one of the key coordinators of the Anti-discrimination student’s movement, who formerly took the charge to organize women for the July Uprising. She has been a known political face in the DU campus. She carried the role of general secretary of Bangladesh Students Federation of Dhaka University unit.