By Al Sadi Bhuiyan

DHAKA, July 13, 2025 (BSS) – Students of public universities are deeply involved with political activities while their counterparts the private universities in Bangladesh have generally stayed away from political activism.

But we saw different pictures during the student-led July movement as students of private universities played brave and historical role in mobilizing the protest across country.  The July movement got new shape with active and spontaneous participation of students of private universities. Students of private universities proved that they can make supreme sacrifices for the well-being of their beloved motherland.        

However, in a remarkable shift during the July Mass Uprising, it was private university students who stepped forward when public university students were forced off the streets on July 17. Defying expectations, they took to the streets, resisted repression, and stood in solidarity with the people during some of the nation’s most pivotal moments in last year’s historic uprising.

Nujia Hasin Rasha, president of the Dhaka University unit of the Revolutionary Students' Alliance (Biplobi Chhatra Moitree), was a prominent leftist student leader in the July Mass Uprising. A student of Linguistics at Dhaka University, Rasha was deeply involved in both the Quota Reform Movement and the subsequent protests that ultimately led to the fall of the Awami League government.

In a recent interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), she emphasized the vital role and sacrifices of private university students — including those who shed blood and even gave their lives during the movement. Here is the full interview…

BSS: When did you get involved in the Quota Reform Movement? 

Nujia Hasin Rasha: I was involved from the very beginning. At that time, discussions were ongoing in Bangladeshi politics about granting India a unilateral corridor. In protest, we held a march under the banner of the Democratic Students' Alliance. Then, we had a scuffle with the police at the High Court intersection. Returning to campus from there, I saw a march emerging from the Central Library demanding quota reform. My comrades and I joined the procession. As the Eid holidays were starting, the movement's campaign continued online, and an ultimatum was given to the government to meet the demands by June 30.

How did the Quota Reform Movement spread? Tell us from your experience. 

Nujia Hasin Rasha: After the June 30 ultimatum expired, everyone took to the streets on July 1. Following the Eid holidays, university teachers also joined the movement, so classes and exams couldn't begin. As students took to the streets, the movement gradually intensified. The number of participants in the marches increased daily. Large processions would come from the women’s halls and gather in front of the Central Library. From there, we would march to Shahbagh. Gradually, the march routes expanded, and the nature of the programs also changed. Sit-in demonstrations began at Shahbagh, and soon the programs evolved from sit-ins to blockades. 

Coordination committees were formed in university halls. Daily briefings were held on what we would do, how we would do it, and when. Since my admission to the university, I never got a hall seat due to seat shortages and ideological conflicts, so I couldn’t get involved in hall coordination work. But my comrades in other halls were active. Discussions about the movement took place there.

One day, we were marching from in front of the library toward Shahbagh amidst heavy storms and rain, and a huge gathering took place that day. While taking the march, we saw the Chhatra League (student wing of the then ruling party) preparing in front of Madhur Canteen. 

At that time, the campus atmosphere was such that whenever a Quota Movement programme was announced, the Chhatra League would announce some programme or another at the same time and place. When we would march past Madhur Canteen, Chhatra League activists would shout ‘fake’ slogans. We would counter with our own. A tense and charged atmosphere would be created. Amidst this, we would take our marches to Shahbagh. We would also go to the hall areas to observe our programme. 

On July 14, 2024, in response to a journalist's question at a press conference, Sheikh Hasina called the students "grandchildren of Razakars" (collaborators of the Pakistani army in 1971). What was your reaction then? 

Nujia Hasin Rasha: It angered the students. The Quota Reform Movement wasn't essentially an uprising built over just the past few days. It was the reflection of the hatred that had accumulated over the past 15–16 years against the fascist government. Our generation has seen the then Awami League government to suppress every democratic movement. So, people from various classes, professions, and ages joined the marches, largely driven by personal resentment.

On the night of the 14th, students chanted slogans: "Who are you? Who am I? Razakar! Razakar! / Who said? Who said? Autocrat! Autocrat!" The students protested against Hasina calling them "Razakars." They took this as a language of protest. The Awami government had always run a disgraceful propaganda campaign to suppress all movements by labelling the opposition forces of the Liberation War and the movement activists as collaborators or Razakars. That night, our sentiment was, "Say whatever you want. If you call everyone Razakars, now these Razakars have risen against you."

This was our language of protest. The slogan clearly conveyed the message.

That night, we saw on Facebook that students were chanting slogans in various halls. Although I had gone home, I returned to campus. Leaders from various organisations and journalists were present at that time. We were discussing that the government would use this distorted version of the slogan to discredit and rush the movement.

They would use the media to push the narrative that what they had been saying all along — that there was instigation from Jamaat-e-Islami/Shibir — was exactly what was happening. We decided we couldn't let that happen. That night, I saw the girls from Shamsunnahar Hall break their locks and come out. That march came to the Raju sculpture, banging plates and spoons. Then, alongside the "Razakar! Razakar!" slogan, we wanted to add other slogans, like — "We sought rights / Ended up being Razakars," .

But the leadership of the march that came from the hall was with the coordinators. They couldn't remember the slogans. Since we didn't have a loudspeaker, we tried to explain as much as possible by shouting, trying to make it clear. Jabir Ahmed Jubel, the Secretary of my organisation, standing at the foot of Raju, raised his hand and shouted repeatedly, "Sisters, let's all chant the full slogan, otherwise the government will try to sabotage our movement." Gradually, marches from other girls’ halls arrived. Marches from the boys’ halls gathered at the VC (Vice-Chancellor) Chattar. Later, it was decided that we would take the girls’ gathering from the Raju sculpture towards VC Square. Going there, I saw that a march from the hall area had already arrived in front of the VC's residence. Still, many couldn't grasp the full slogan. Then Israt Jahan Emu, the co-coordinator of Shamsunnahar Hall, started shouting slogans without a mic, as there was a hand-mic shortage. I also pushed through the crowd to the middle. Going there, I started leading the slogans.

Later, we got news that Chhatra League’s outsider terrorists had positioned themselves with bikes, local weapons, and helmets at the campus entrances. Our initial decision was to hold our position on campus. Everyone started collecting bricks and stones. Around 1–1:30 AM, we got news that the Chhatra League wasn't entering the campus anymore. The entrances were clear. Then, many girls wanted to return to their halls. Since the girls' hall gates aren't open all night, there was no chance for one or two people to enter repeatedly. Later, it was decided that all girls would go back together. By around 2 AM, the campus was mostly empty.

As a direct witness to the attack by Chhatra League on Dhaka University campus on July 15, we want to hear your experience. 

Nujia Hasin Rasha: On July 15, a rally was being held under the banner of the Anti-Discrimination Students' Movement at TSC (Teacher-Student Centre). That day, when the girls from Eden College tried to come out to Raju, the Chhatra League attacked them. Many students were injured. Even then, many of the injured came to Raju with a march. Later, we learned that students wanting to join the march were being held back in the hall area. Then, a decision came from among the coordinators that we would advance towards the hall area with the girls' march at the front. In our political practice, it’s widely seen that girls are used as shields.

We advanced with the march toward the hall area. But as we reached the Registrar Building, hesitation emerged among the coordinators — unsure whether the women’s procession should move forward or turn back. Eventually, they moved ahead in scattered, fragmented groups.

Suddenly, Chhatra League activists appeared and began hurling bricks and stones at the female students. The front row quickly retreated. Around two hundred girls were still behind me. To protect them, a few of us raised banners over our heads, trying to shield them from the onslaught. Under the barrage, we became scattered.

A little later, we tried to regroup at VC Square. Once we had reassembled there, we saw Chhatra League members advancing from Nilkhet, brandishing firearms and opening fire. At the same time, another group of Chhatra League activists attacked from Mal Chattar, launching a coordinated assault on the students.

Students took shelter in university buses parked on Fuller Road. Chhatra League terrorists even entered the buses and attacked female and male students. From whichever direction they could, Chhatra League activists brutally beat the students. I saw female students lying bloodied before my eyes. While putting female students into rickshaws, Chhatra League also attacked the boys.

Even rickshaw-pullers were beaten while they were taking the injured to the hospital.

The students wanted to resist the Chhatra League goons, but it became difficult to unite everyone due to a lack of coordination. At such a time, I heard some girls were trapped inside SM Hall. Four or five girls, including me, decided we would go to rescue those trapped inside. We brought them out one by one and took them towards Raju. 

What was the reaction to Chhatra League's attack on students on July 15? Which direction did the movement take then? 

Nujia Hasin Rasha: With the help of an elder journalist brother on campus, we went towards the halls. Reaching in front of Ruqayyah Hall, I saw the Chhatra League celebrating with music. At Raju, the girls from Ruqayyah Hall, the closest hall, were showing shoes and brooms from inside the gate, chanting slogans against Chhatra League: “Chhatra Leaguer gale gale, juta maro tale tale!” I went there and started chanting slogans from outside the hall. The girls came out from the pocket gate and joined us in chanting.

Chhatra League was provoking us in various ways at that time. They tried to snatch the Bangladeshi flags from our heads, saying, "Why is the Bangladeshi flag on a Razakar's head?" We protested. That Chhatra League leader ran away. At one point, my comrades and I started looking for a safe place because, by then, Chhatra League terrorists were swarming all over the campus. On the streets, Chhatra League attacked us multiple times and bullied us. They even tried to search our phones.

How did you handle the situation on July 16 with Chhatra League's aggressive stance at the Raju sculpture and the gathering of protesting students at the Shaheed Minar? 

Nujia Hasin Rasha: On July 16, we gathered again at the Shaheed Minar. That day, the Democratic Students' Alliance arrived at the Shaheed Minar with a procession from in front of the University Gymnasium. After about a thousand students had assembled, there was a collective desire to reclaim Raju. On that day too, the Chhatra League was holding a rally at Raju and had effectively blockaded the campus.

On July 16, while participating in the movement, Abu Saeed in Rangpur and Wasim Akram in Chittagong, among several others, were martyred by police firing. The next day, July 17, their symbolic funeral prayers were held on the Dhaka University campus. What happened then? 

Nujia Hasin Rasha: The symbolic funeral prayers on July 17 were also attacked. I was at the front then. A tear gas shell landed right near my feet. Police entered the campus and attacked us repeatedly. Then the students were forced to leave the halls. At that time, Jubel Bhai told Nahid Bhai to announce a nationwide student strike the next day. The next day, a complete shutdown was announced. The movement became even more spontaneous and spread across the country.

To suppress the students' movement, at one stage, the university campus — including residential halls — was shut down. How did the movement remain dynamic during that time? 

Nujia Hasin Rasha: The momentum of the movement reached its peak during this time, especially after the government announced the closure of all educational institutions. The protests spread rapidly, and my involvement intensified as well.

On the first day of the complete shutdown, I was at the Science Lab intersection and witnessed a powerful scene — people of all ages, from children to the elderly, were out on the streets, united in protest. I returned to Science Lab the next day. That’s when bullets were fired from a helicopter. A few of us rushed to take shelter in a nearby house. Right in front of us, we saw our beloved brother, journalist Tahir Zaman Priyo, killed.

From the following day, I went into hiding at a shelter in Zigatola. But when Chhatra League members began roaming near the building, I had to relocate to a different safe place.

During the curfew and the crackdown on students, how did you and your organization contribute to the movement?

Nujia Hasin Rasha: During the curfew, on July 27, a rally of the Democratic Students' Alliance was held in front of the Press Club. From that rally, the leaders directly demanded Sheikh Hasina's resignation. Because after killing so many people, shedding so much blood, and forcefully imprisoning so many innocent people, this government could no longer stay in power.

Before July 27, under the banner of protest by cultural and social organizations, the first musical march breaking the curfew was held at the Press Club. The next day, a women's protest rally was held at Paltan. On July 30, when a march under the banner of protest by social and cultural groups started towards Bahadur Shah Park, police stopped us at Zero Point, Gulistan, and at one point attacked us. Later, we sat there and held a rally.

On August 2, the 'Revolt March' (Droho Jatra) took place. After July 17, the people of this city who were trapped in the curfew, who had been silenced, rose again, joining the Droho Jatra to build resistance. What we couldn't do on July 16, we did that day — we entered the campus, erased all Chhatra League wall writings and their symbols. We demanded Hasina's resignation at various places on campus. That day, everyone started saying, "One point, one demand: Sheikh Hasina's resignation." Thus, through the Revolt March, the movement's goal shifted towards the one-point demand.

After public universities were closed, doubts arose about the movement's momentum. How do you assess the role of private university students and others during that crucial time?

Nujia Hasin Rasha: Initially, the movement was DU-centric. After the public universities were closed, the movement spread all over the country. At that time, private university students responded the most. 

If private university students hadn't been in the movement after July 17, it would not have been possible to transform the Quota Reform Movement into a movement to overthrow the fascists; it is doubtful whether the movement could have been sustained until August 5. Private university students made the biggest contribution in keeping the capital active.

Whether it rained, whether there were attacks, whether shots were fired from helicopters — the students of private universities did not leave the streets. Simultaneously, madrasa students also fought bravely in front of batons, bullets, and tear gas to oust the fascist Hasina-led government.
Jatrabari is called the 'Stalingrad of the Movement'. Our madrasa and private university students fought there. Day laborers, hawkers, rickshaw pullers, and garment workers fought the battle with their chests out to overthrow the fascists. They are our masterminds.

What did you see on August 4 and afterwards? What was your feeling when you saw Sheikh Hasina flee the country?

Nujia Hasin Rasha: On August 3, I came out of the shelter. On August 4, while coming to the movement, I saw law enforcement checking everyone. With the clever idea of a rickshaw-puller uncle, I managed to get out and join the movement. 

On August 5, I entered the campus with the teachers. Upon arriving, I heard gunshots. An eerie stillness and silence were everywhere. The campus was mostly empty. We took shelter in front of the DUCSU building.  

We saw the entire Dhaka city streets were flooded with victory procession when news was spread over the downfall of Awami League government and fascist Sheikh Hasina fled the country.   

We took a victory march from the campus to Shahbagh. A joy of the mass uprising filled our hearts. We all celebrated together the whole day. Our struggle for the realization of the aspirations of the mass uprising began anew from that day.