By Md. Tanver Hasan

SYLHET, July 13, 2025 (BSS) - Asadullah Al Galif, a student of the Department of Chemistry at Shahjalal University of Science and Technology (SUST), was one of key organizers  of the quota reform movement in Sylhet. 

He played a crucial role in organizing protests throughout the Sylhet region and soon became a central coordinator of anti-discrimination student movement. Under his leadership, various protest programmes including demonstrations and human chains were held at various places in Sylhet city, for gearing up the student-led movement.   

Galib currently serves as the joint chief organizer (Northern Region) of the National Citizen Party. In his view, the movement was not just about a rightful demand, it was a historic moment of youth awakening and collective resistance. 

In an interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), he reflected on the experiences, challenges and future outlook shaped by the movement.

BSS: What was the main background of the July Uprising? 
Asadullah: Nearly 16 years of uninterrupted Awami League rule had created a terrifying landscape of repression. Enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, widespread suppression, curtailment of free speech, skyrocketing inflation, economic disparity and crushing unemployment, all of these had built up deep-seated resentment among the masses. 

The rot of corruption and abuse of power had infiltrated every level of the state, poisoning public life.
Amid this, the court’s decision to cancel the 2018 circular that had reformed the quota system came as a devastating blow to the youth. That verdict destroyed the last remaining hopes of an entire generation. 

As a result, young people and students had no choice but to take to the streets again in protest against that injustice and discrimination. The crisis was so severe that there was simply no alternative path left for the youth.

The July movement was not merely about quota reform, it was the cry, the resistance and the reawakening of a generation. Every step reflected sacrifice, conviction and the quiet explosion of the people's immense power.

How was the movement initially planned? Who were the key initiators?
Asadullah: The cancellation of the circular sparked intense reactions on social media, but organizing protests on the ground was not easy under the oppressive regime. Despite the risk, students from DU, JU, SUST, RU, CU and other universities continued to protest state injustices.

At the time, the newly formed “Gonotantrik Chhatra Shakti” was the most active student group in Dhaka. As part of that group, we had long been working to unify students and the masses against the authoritarian rule of the Awami League.

The court verdict gave us the perfect opportunity to mobilize. On June 6, students were called to gather in front of the Dhaka University Central Library. To unify all students, we decided to organize under the banner of anti-discrimination student movement.

While students from almost all groups joined, the core leadership came from Gonotantrik Chhatra Shakti. Except for its then-coordinator Akhtar Hossain (who was excluded to maintain the nonpartisan image), all members of the 65-member coordination committee came from our group. 

Although Akhtar Hossain, was not included in the coordination committee to maintain the banner’s neutrality, he led both planning and execution behind the scenes.

What was the role of the coordinators during the movement?
Asadullah: The coordinators were the driving force behind the movement. We deliberately avoided promoting any single leader to establish a model of collective leadership. 

History shows that it’s easier to suppress a movement by targeting an individual. So, we formed a team that analyzed the national situation, planned programmes, coordinated with stakeholders and ensured the movement maintained momentum.

How were decisions taken during the movement?
Asadullah: Initially, we regularly held online meetings with representatives from across the country to make collective decisions. Besides the public-facing stakeholders, we also consulted with background organizers who didn't appear on the frontlines.

Before the internet blackout, this communication was relatively smooth. But once the government shut down the internet, participation from outside Dhaka became limited. 

The core team,which was still outside prison, continued to consult key stakeholders and announce programmes, which were then executed by local leadership across the country.

From July 17, the movement evolved into a campaign for Hasina’s resignation, with widespread public demand. At that point, decision-making became less complicated, we simply maintained the momentum while waiting for the regime’s fall.

What were the biggest challenges during the movement?
Asadullah: The greatest challenge was breaking the entrenched "culture of fear" and transforming the protest into a national movement. AL government quickly suppressed any movement by labeling it as either “Shibir” or leftist. 

After July 16, when open arrests and shootings began, preserving leadership became a real challenge. To counter this, we created a multi-tiered leadership structure so the movement wouldn’t collapse even if someone was martyred.

With the internet shut down, it became very difficult to spread news of arrests and torture or even communicate among ourselves. Still, through brief messages and phone calls, we tried to get the truth out. 

What was the movement’s biggest achievement?
Asadullah: In my eyes, the movement’s greatest victory was restoring the power of speech. Under one-party rule, even the idea of free speech had been suffocated. This movement tore down that wall. People began asking questions, raising their voices that is our most profound win.

Yes, there has been misuse of this newfound freedom especially with misinformation about movement leaders but the rise of open expression is a cornerstone of any democratic society.

How was participation from students, teachers, professionals and other communities?
Asadullah: The movement was seeded by students, but it grew to touch the hearts of everyday citizens. Participation from the lower-middle and working classes was especially notable.
One of the most moving aspects was the involvement of street children and marginalized youth those labeled as “tokai” or “teen gangs.” They came forward and fought with us.

Although many teachers stayed silent in the beginning, by the end many offered support providing food, shelter or even taking up sticks to defend us. The movement transformed into a profound expression of collective humanity.

How did you build unity and solidarity during the uprising?
Asadullah: From the outset, we knew the movement’s strength lay in unity. So we used inclusive language and strategies, avoiding ideological tags. Our slogans and programmes were crafted to resonate with people from all backgrounds.

Though this approach displeased some groups, it enabled us to gain the solidarity of an entire nation.

How do you evaluate the role of the media?
Asadullah: The role of the media especially campus journalists was indispensable. They bravely spread the message of the movement across the country. Their courage and integrity earned the movement wide credibility. 

Unfortunately, some media outlets  served the government and spread disinformation. 

What role did social media play in the movement?
Asadullah: Social media was the lifeblood of the movement. Through Facebook, WhatsApp, Telegram and Twitter, we spread our message, won people’s hearts and pierced through the prison of censorship to write a new chapter of freedom.

One year on, how do you evaluate the movement and its aftermath? 
Asadullah: One year has passed, yet we haven’t been able to rehabilitate the injured or the families of the martyrs, that’s a harsh truth. There’s been no visible progress in prosecuting the perpetrators of state brutality. The government has offered no roadmap for justice.

But the youth remains our final beacon of hope. They’ve entered politics driven by dreams of change. They may be inexperienced, but their commitment to learning and leading offers genuine inspiration.

What is your vision for Bangladesh’s future? Do you have any specific plans? 
Asadullah: I envision a just and accountable Bangladesh, free from discrimination, built on truth and fairness. A nation that defends itself from cultural invasion and reawakens the Bengali spirit.

We need economic reform, an education system fit for the times and domestic technological advancement to achieve self-reliance. I dream of a sustainable, developing Bangladesh with climate resilience, strong sovereignty and a robust defense industry. 

We envision a day when Bangladesh will rise in South Asia with the “Bengal Dream,” reclaiming the pride and glory of the East. I believe it is the youth who can fulfill this dream. That’s why I’ve entered this new phase of politics and I will dedicate everything to this cause, Insha’Allah.

How has the movement affected your personal life?
Asadullah: I feel an invisible but deep sense of duty toward our martyrs and the injured. Those who died or were maimed for a new Bangladesh have entrusted their dreams to us. I’m still working out of that responsibility. 

But honestly, post-movement life has not been easy. It’s filled with uncertainty and tremendous pressure. The expectations of martyr families, the trust of ordinary people and the burdens placed on us feel like mountains on our shoulders. 

Many mistakenly think we’re the government and blame us when expectations aren’t met, without realizing we gave up our families, careers and futures to serve this cause. 

During the movement, there was risk, but also courage and clarity. Now, with blame, pressure, and instability all around, life feels even harder.

Would you like to share a particular moment that deeply moved you?
Asadullah: On July 16, when I heard that Abu Sayed was martyred, the world seemed to go silent. I silently vowed then and there that we would bring down this tyrannical regime.

Later, when more brothers fell like Rudra, a younger peer from my university, it only strengthened my resolve. These martyrs had the courage to stand tall even in the face of certain death.

To conclude, I believe Bangladesh’s politics lacks transparency, accountability and modern thinking. If the youth of 2024 who risked everything to free this nation from fascism. 

To reform old politics, modernize governance in this digital and globalized era, address new global challenges and establish justice, we need the creativity and energy of the youth. 

If young people are given the chance to govern, they will introduce new ideas, bold visions and a forward-looking development path. Their active and positive participation will strengthen democracy and help fulfill the aspirations of the people.