Abu Shadik Kayem -Photo: Collected

By Jubayer Ibn Kamal

DHAKA, July 5, 2025 (BSS) – Abu Shadik Kayem was one of the key student leaders during the July uprising that led to oust autocratic ruler  Sheikh Hasina on August 5, 2024. 

From the very beginning of the movement, he played a significant role as a coordinator, helping to build resistance and mobilize students from various universities of the country. After the uprising, his public appearance as the president of the Dhaka University unit of Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir sparked widespread discussion.

Shadik Kayem hails from Khagrachari town. He completed his Dakhil (secondary level) from the Khagrachari Baitush Sharaf Jabbariya Ideal Madrasah and then passed Alim (higher secondary) from Baitush Sharaf Adarsha Kamil Madrasah in Chattogram. Later, Shadik studied Political Science at Dhaka University under the 2016-17 academic session.

Even before entering university, while studying in ninth-grade, Shadik had joined movements against the Hasina government. At that time, he witnessed killing of a fellow activist while protesting against enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings. From then on, he became deeply involved in student politics. After getting admitted to the university, he actively participated in all major student movements.

In his first year at the university dormitory, he was forced by the (now banned) student organization Chhatra League to attend their meetings and rallies. To avoid this coercion, he left the dormitory and began seeking out like-minded, politically conscious students from other departments. During this period, he came into contact with Mahfuz Alam (currently the Information Adviser to the Interim Government). He also built strong connections with those involved in cultural and political activities -- networks that later played vital role during the July uprising.

During the uprising, Shadik Kayem helped to arrange safe homes for several key coordinators who were being allegedly targeted and chased by the then Awami League government. He was also instrumental in organizing resistance and in conveying student demands to national and international media, despite lack of internet access. In an exclusive interview with BSS, Shadik shared his memories of those crucial days.

BSS: You were admitted to Dhaka University in 2017. Between then and 2024, there were many student movements. Do you think those movements helped set the stage for the 2024 mass uprising?
Shadik Kayem: Absolutely. The movements over the past several years helped us lead to this uprising. The quota reform movement in 2018, the protests against Modi’s visit, and several others raised among us a growing hope for achieving freedom. Specially, the martyrdom of Abrar Fahad is something none of us can forget. In my view, what happened to Abrar Fahad sparked a deep sense of outrage in the hearts of every young people in Bangladesh. All of this was gradually pushing us toward a student-public uprising.

Did your involvement in activism and resistance begin after you were admitted to Dhaka University?
Shadik Kayem: Dhaka University is certainly a hub of student activism in the country. But in reality, I was involved in these movements long before I even got admitted to the university. I clearly remember the period around 2013–14. The country was engulfed in violent clashes almost daily. It was also the time when the Awami League began to   reveal its fascist nature for the first time. They seized power through a completely one-sided election – where voters were deprived of their voting rights. That’s when I began joining protests.
On one hand, they staged a farcical election; on the other, they enabled judicial killings. At the time, I was just a ninth-grade student -- a mere small boy – living in Khagrachari. But I remember taking part in every single protest that happened even in such a remote area.

Were there police attacks in Khagrachari as well?
Shadik Kayem: Yes. My first experience of being attacked in my life happened that very year in Khagrachari. The police beat me with batons so severely that I couldn’t walk for nearly two months. I was shocked -- they didn’t even hesitate to brutally assault a child like me.

How long did you stay in Khagrachari?
Shadik Kayem: After completing my Dakhil examination, I moved to Chattogram. There, I became even more actively involved in the major divisional movements. I remember clearly -- my roommate, Sakib Bhai, and I used to take part in protests together. The brutal and oppressive Awami League government killed Shakib Bhai simply because he was involved in the movement. I still hold the memories of Shaheed Sakib Bhai.

Could you tell us a bit more about that incident?
Shadik Kayem: It was probably sometime in between 2013 and 2014. At the time, judicial killings were being used to legitimize the systematic execution of various leaders of the opposition. We were holding a protest march in Agrabad, Chattogram, against one such verdict. It was just a peaceful demonstration -- yet from there, my roommate Sakib Bhai was taken away. I was extremely worried about him. First, they gouged out his eyes. Then they killed him. Even now, when I remember Shaheed Sakib, I tremble.

So, after completing your higher secondary education in Chattogram, you got admitted to Dhaka University?
Shadik Kayem: Yes. After getting admitted to Dhaka University, I quickly discovered that to stay in the dorms, you had to attend the meetings and rallies of Chhatra League (now a banned organization),  If you didn’t comply, you’d be tortured in ‘Gonorooms’ and essentially forced out of the hall. They dragged me to one or two of their gatherings against my will. There, we were forced to chant slogans in the name of Sheikh Mujib. Once, someone mistakenly chanted “Sheikh Mujib Zindabad” instead of the designated slogan. They humiliated him in front of everyone and later beat him badly.
Witnessing these things, it filled me with disgust. I left the hall.
I had come all the way from Chattogram to study at Dhaka University, full of dreams. I didn’t even have any relatives in the city to stay with. So, leaving the hall was a huge problem for me. But seeing all this, my dreams started to shatter. I eventually moved into another hall and focused on my studies. In the first semester, I secured the first position in my department.
Later, I applied again for a seat in the hall. Once I got it and moved back in, I was once again subjected to Chhatra League’s torture -- this time for not participating in their events earlier. But I wasn’t even living in the hall during that time! Their abuse was very common back then. Still, I held onto hope -- if I could find even a few politically conscious students who stood against fascism, we could form a strong circle.
That’s when I met Mahfuz Bhai, who is now the Information Adviser to the Interim Government. At the time, he was working to spread cultural resistance against fascism. After meeting him, I saw that he regularly formed study circles and quietly worked to raise political awareness. 
I myself used to talk to and keep in regular contact with those who were against the Chhatra League’s oppression, the continuous terrorism and the torture in ‘Gonorooms’. We had a good and strong circle, who actively participated in the July uprising.

Does that mean you had already formed a united front long before the July uprising?
Shadik Kayem: Absolutely. Since I was involved in the politics of Shibir, I deliberately stayed out of the spotlight -- because I didn’t want others to be put at risk because of me. The murderous Hasina regime had essentially legitimized beating people to death merely on suspicion of being affiliated with Shibir.
Having grown up with the trauma of seeing my roommate murdered at a young age, I never wanted anyone else to go through something like that.
Even though I didn’t appear publicly, I was always involved from behind the scenes -- providing logistical support, manpower, and coordination. All of us were searching for freedom through every movement. We were simply waiting for the right momentum -- one strong wave that could bring down the dictatorship.

Did you find that momentum in the July uprising?
Shadik Kayem: We did find it -- but it didn’t come easily. The transformation that took place in the July uprising was significant. It began as a quota reform protest, then shifted to a movement demanding justice after the verdict was announced, and finally evolved into a unified demand for the fall of the dictatorship. That progression was a major turning point -- though, in reality, all of it unfolded within just the span of a single month.

How did you lead the movement from behind the scenes?
Shadik Kayem: The first phase of the movement began in June. There were Eid holidays after that. Many thought the movement wouldn’t resume after Eid -- but we were already preparing for the second phase.
When the second phase began after Eid, a new element was introduced -- something that wasn’t as prominent in the early days: Chhatra League’s attacks and torture.
That phase was especially difficult for us. Most students live in dormitories, and the movement was being driven largely by residential students. If Chhatra League attacked those students, it could scare them into staying in their rooms -- and the movement would lose momentum.
We were going through a tough time then. And what we didn’t realize was – what the government had in store for the third phase. The mass killings that followed were beyond anything we had imagined.

One of the strongest aspects of the July uprising was the unity among people with different views and ideologies. You were part of that unity, while also being involved in the politics of Chhatra Shibir. How did you navigate that balance?
Shadik Kayem: What you said is absolutely true. Because of my affiliation with Shibir, I had to manage a large group with specific expectations. At the same time, many involved in the July uprising had very different beliefs and ideologies from mine. I dealt with both sides in different ways – but it was crucial for me to stand firm in both spaces.
Shibir's highest decision-making body is called the Executive Council. On July 3, a council meeting was held, and I delivered a half-an-hour speech there -- anyone can still find the transcript if they look for it. In that speech, I said clearly: regardless of whether we agree with the ideology of those involved in the movement, Chhatra Shibir must support this movement. Whatever we can do -- however we can help -- we must do it. That call was met with full support from everyone in that meeting.
On the other side, whenever resistance was needed during the movement, I provided support from behind the scenes through the organization. Let me tell you about one incident in particular.
The day Chhatra League attacked female students of Dhaka University; there were two distinct reactions in the halls that night. One was fear -- people couldn’t believe such inhuman brutality could be unleashed on female students. The other was rage -- how could we sit back while our sisters were beaten like that?
However, after the attack on July 15, we quickly arranged for the treatment of the injured. Shibir’s medical team quickly took the injured to Dhaka Medical College Hospital. And those who were seriously injured were taken to private hospitals.
That evening, I took preparation to build resistance against Chhatra League following a meeting with the central executive committee of Shibir. At that time, Asif Mahmud (now the Interim Government’s Adviser) called me. I told him that we will build resistance from Chnakarpool tomorrow at any cost along with students of the three halls of the Science Faculty who had already built resistance. Whatever it takes -- no turning back.
The next day, Chhatra League had called a program at Raju Sculpture. We knew they would bring in outsiders and occupy Raju Sculpture. The day before, they had attacked us, and now they were planning a programme there -- the situation was very risky for us to come out. But that very night, the decision had been made: we would hold our programme the next day, and if we were attacked during that programme, we would resist.
I informed Asif Mahmud and Nahid islam (Convener of the National Citizens’ Party) about the situation. From many places, we started hearing that the boys were scared and might not show up. I said, “The boys will be there, Insha'Allah, and so will the resistance materials. You go ahead and call the program in the name of Allah.”
The next day, I saw the police had occupied Shahbagh, and Chhatra League, with more terrorists, had occupied Raju Sculpture. I had my organization's boys bring in resistance materials. But we also applied another tactic—we had our boys ready near Science Lab. If a clash broke out there, the police might move from the campus toward that area. We would use that opportunity to bring resistance materials into the campus. Because our boys at Shaheed Minar were unarmed -- if Chhatra League attacked, they wouldn’t be able to stand up.
Our strategy worked. We kept the police busy at Science Lab and managed to get the resistance materials inside the campus.
Our calculations were precise – if they came to attack today, we would ensure Chhatra League had no existence left on campus.

It's often said that before the nationwide uprising against the Awami government, there was an internal uprising on the Dhaka University campus against Chhatra League. Would you agree?

Shadik Kayem: Absolutely. That day, it became clear to us that our vision had to go much further. We need to uproot the terrorist presence of Chhatra League from our campus entirely. But what we didn’t anticipate was that the first real push would come from our female students -- from inside the women’s halls.
Within one night, they drove Chhatra League members out of several dorms. It was the beginning of the resistance. They even got the hall provosts to give written declarations stating the halls would now be free of student politics. That was just the beginning of the resistance.
Let me tell you something else -- we had a strong documentation team. We recorded who attacked us, identified them from photos and videos, and collected all the details: names, fathers' names, departments, home districts. Then we printed posters with their pictures and hung them across their home villages. We wanted people to know -- "Look at this disgrace. Remember this face."
My stance was simple: if you lay your hands on the women of our university right in front of our eyes -- we will make your life unbearable.

Even after the Dhaka University campus was shut down, students from private universities took to the streets. How do you see that?
Shadik Kayem: That was truly unprecedented. While we had been in touch with many students from private universities beforehand and tried to raise awareness about the movement there, what happened on July 18 -- when ordinary students from private institutions came out into the streets in such large numbers -- was something none of us had anticipated. It was truly remarkable.

We've heard that during the internet shutdown, you played  behind-the-scenes role in getting news of the movement in the foreign media. Can you share one or two examples?

Shadik Kayem: We were actually prepared in advance, knowing that the internet could be shut down. So we had already bought several SIM cards, and even had button phones ready. For example, after drafting the 9-point demand, I printed it and was delivering it by hand to  the local and foreign media offices. From the day the internet was shut down, I had been working on how to deliver our programmes hand-to-hand to journalists.
We were also going through many other incidents. After six coordinators were picked up on July 26, Abdul Hannan Masud (Senior Joint Chief Coordinator, NCP), Rifat Rashid (President, Anti-Discrimination Student Movement), and a few others were supposed to hold a press conference from Kuwait Maitree Hospital. They called me and said they needed documents on the genocide. By then, our documentation team had already prepared a list of martyrs. I printed that list along with nearly 100 photos related to the genocide. Then I sent them through Musaddique and Zisan.
From July 19 onwards, during the internet blackout, I was sending our programs to journalists from my own number almost every day. The ones that required detailed explanation -- I printed and delivered them in person.
At that time, many foreign media outlets were publishing parts -- or in some cases, the entire part -- of our programs. While trying to get our news to international outlets, some interesting connections were formed, which led to unique experiences for me.

Could you share some of those experiences?
Shadik Kayem: At that time, the Awami League government was desperately hunting down the coordinators. The frontline coordinators -- like Nahid and Asif -- were abducted and tortured before being released. In fact, they were taken from the hospital for the second time. Six coordinators were detained at the DB office and forced to make public announcements calling off the movement.
The second-tier coordinators were also in serious danger, as the intelligence agencies were after them too. For example, take the name of Abdul Kader -- the 9-point demand were issued under his name. He was extremely afraid and needed a safe house.
When I got in touch with Abdul Kader, he had taken shelter in a mosque in Narayanganj. After confirming his exact location, I quickly arranged a safe place for him.

What did you do next?
Shadik Kayem: Someone gave me the phone number of a human rights activist. After I contacted, I was given the number of a Bangladeshi female journalist. For obvious reasons, I won’t mention her name. When I called her, she connected me with Al-Jazeera journalist Zulkarnain Saer.
I hadn’t known him personally before -- I'd only seen a glimpse of him once in an Al-Jazeera documentary. But he helped me arrange several safe houses. I placed many of the movement’s coordinators there.

We’ve heard that you were the first to contact Professor Muhammad Yunus and request that he take the position of head of government. Can you tell us about that?
Shadik Kayem: Honestly, no matter how hard Hasina tried to project herself as calm; by the end of July it was clear her time was almost up. By August 1, we were certain this government wouldn’t last much longer. Whether it was that day or the next -- its fall was inevitable.
Even though the single-point demand hadn’t yet been publicly declared, we had already started thinking about what the next government would look like -- who will be forming it and what kind of leadership it would require.
I discussed about the formation of a government with Nahid and Asif. In particular, I was having long conversations with Mahfuz Bhai. At that time, we had been considering a proposal for a national government.
It was during this period that we finalized the plan for a march toward Ganabhaban. We discussed how people would enter toward Ganabhaban from ten different points across Dhaka.
In the morning of August 3, I contacted with Professor Muhammad Yunus through his special assistant.  
I sent him an email detailing everything that had happened throughout July -- the killings, the human rights violations. I told him that Hasina’s fall was only a matter of time, and that when it came time to form a government, there was no one else we could see leading it, but him.
He responded with a very thoughtful email. He congratulated us and said that we had set an example before the world. After expressing his appreciation, I scheduled a meeting with him August 4, where I would be joined by Asif Mahmud.
But before that could happen, on the afternoon of August 3, a public call was made at the Central Shaheed Minar for the official declaration of the single-point demand. Despite the rain, hundreds of thousands of people gathered. July came alive again. That day, it became clear even to ordinary citizens: the fall of the regime was just a matter of time.

Given the way you led the movement from behind the scenes, was there a possibility of you joining the new government?
Shadik Kayem: I never thought about that before, and I still don’t. Our goal was to bring down the authoritarian regime -- and the fact that I stood with that cause is enough for me.
After downfall of fascist Sheikh Hasina on August 5, I first appeared in front of the media at a press conference at the Channel 24 office. That night, Nahid and Asif uploaded a video - and that too was recorded from my home. I just wanted us to succeed, and Alhamdulillah, we did. Whether I joined the government or not doesn’t matter to me.