By Nesar Uddin

DHAKA, Aug 9, 2025 (BSS) - Anisur Rahman Khandaker Anik, a student of the Department of Theatre and Performance Studies at Dhaka University, has long been engaged in nationalist politics. Growing up in a family rooted in the ideology of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), he became familiar with Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD) politics from his school days.

From the beginning of his university life, Anik actively joined JCD. In the 2019 Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) election, he contested for the General Secretary post from the JCD panel. He also served as Joint Convener of JCD's Shaheed Sergeant Zahurul Haque Hall unit and currently holds the position of Vice President of the DU chapter.

Anik says he faced numerous forms of persecution under the ousted fascist Awami League regime. He was imprisoned multiple times, and most recently, following the 2024 election, he was subjected to enforced disappearance. Yet, none of these repressions could deter his resolve to fight against fascism.

In an exclusive interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Anik recalled memories from the July Uprising and reflected on his political journey.

BSS: When and how did your involvement with nationalist politics begin? Why did you choose this ideology?

Anik: From a very young age, we were exposed to a political atmosphere shaped by nationalist ideals. My family and close relatives were inspired by the principles of Shaheed Ziaur Rahman. I remember in 2005, then Health Minister Dr. Khandaker Mosharraf Hossain came to an event near our home. I welcomed him with flowers - a small act that left a lasting impression on me.

Even as a child, I was fascinated by stories about Khaleda Zia's uncompromising stance during the Ershad regime and especially during the 1/11 political crisis. My father used to tell me those stories. These early influences drew me towards nationalist politics.

BSS: How did you get involved with JCD at the university?

Anik: After getting admitted to Dhaka University, I saw that the entire administrative structure was dominated by terrorist Chhatra League, student wing of Awami League. This was particularly evident when it came to getting accommodation in halls. The kind of violence and control I witnessed from Chhatra League made me dream of a truly democratic Bangladesh. That dream led me to JCD.

BSS: How did your participation in anti-Awami League movements on campus begin?

Anik: It started with the 2013 anti-quota protests. At the time, the Awami League was using the quota system to politicize every sector, including the administration. When police fired tear gas at us during the protests, we lit a symbolic flame using a motif from Charukola (the Faculty of Fine Arts) to protect ourselves.

But the next day, the media spun it, claiming extremists were trying to destroy Bangladesh's cultural movement. During that time, JCD activists were brutally persecuted by Chhatra League in the halls. Many of us were forcibly evicted.

Our movement instructions were clear: prioritize the cause over party identity. So we chose to fight injustice, not for personal gain or recognition. This principle continued through the 2014 and 2015 protests against the one-sided elections and again during the 2018 quota reform movement. Even during 2024 July uprising, we focused solely on the success of the movement -- not on taking credit.

When the coordination committee was formed during the uprising, no top JCD leader was part of it -- only a few juniors. We stayed out of it for the greater good of the movement.

BSS: At the beginning of the quota reform movement, how did you perceive its chances of success or failure?

Anik: We never intended to grab the mic or lead from the front. From the beginning, we wanted the movement to succeed. For that reason, we initially held back organizationally. But we ensured a strong presence at all the gatherings at Shahbagh.

What began in June gained momentum in July. Students from universities across the country joined, along with political activists. It wasn't just Chhatra Dal -- it was a movement of the people. People from all walks of life came out, and that's what made it successful.

BSS: July 14 was a turning point in the movement. How do you evaluate that day?

Anik: On July 14, Sheikh Hasina referred to the protesting students as "razakars." In response, that very night, university students spontaneously began chanting the slogan: "Who are you? Who am I? Razakar! Razakar!"

It was JCD activists who added the now-iconic follow-up: "Who said it? Who said it? Dictator! Dictator!" For the past 16 years, we have consistently portrayed Sheikh Hasina as an authoritarian ruler. That night's slogan was satirical in nature -- students were expressing outrage, not offering any absolution. The use of the term "razakar" was not casual or misplaced -- it symbolized the collapse of Sheikh Hasina's moral authority.

BSS: Tell us about the events of July 15, the day of the Chhatra League's attack on students.

Anik: July 15 was a turning point in the collapse of Awami fascism. Despite unleashing their full force that day, Chhatra League couldn't hold the campus.

JCD activists played a vital role in resisting the attack. My friend Masum was hit in the head and was bleeding profusely. Even in that state, he kept saying, "I won't go to the hospital until we respond to those who attacked my brothers and sisters." His words reflected the collective mindset of every JCD activist that day.

Our primary objective was to protect general students from Chhatra League's violence. That attack shattered their so-called muscle power. The next day, we stood by the students and helped reclaim the campus.

BSS: During the curfew, in which area were you active? How did you continue participating in the movement while avoiding arrest?

Anik: After the 2024 election, I was subjected to enforced disappearance. So during the curfew period, the risk of arrest or abduction was high -- many BNP activists were already being detained. I remained mostly in the Sanarpar and Mouchak areas.

Despite police and army patrols, I witnessed people from all walks of life taking to the streets. JCD activists were leading from the front in many districts during this time. With close friends and local youths, we joined the protests daily. We would motivate students by talking with them, teaching them how to protect themselves from tear gas, and boosting morale.

I often told my friend Hanif Al Hadi, "If I die, just recover my body -- but don't tell my family." From July 19 to the end of the month, we were fully engaged in Mouchak, keeping people energized and coordinating with other JCD units across the country.

To avoid arrest, I developed a routine: protest all day in Dhaka, then flee to my village by night, returning again at dawn. Many were being traced through their phones, so we had to be extremely cautious.

When some movement coordinators were forcibly taken to the DB office and made to give video statements, it shook many of us. But we urged everyone not to lose hope.

At that point, no single person or group controlled the movement. After the curfew was imposed, retreat was no longer an option for JCD. Many participated anonymously, but we stood with our real identities for the oppressed, against fascism. We knew we were the fascists' primary target. For us, there was only one path forward: the fall of Hasina.

BSS: Where were you on the day of the "one-point demand" declaration? Did you attend the gathering at the Shaheed Minar?

Anik: I became sick due to my constant travel between Dhaka and the village after July 19. So at the beginning of August, I took part in protests in Daudkandi in Cumilla.

On August 4, the largest protest in Daudkandi was held in the Shahidnagar area, where Awami League goons killed Rifat. After that, when news spread that the ruling party had been overwhelmed in Dhaka, the people in Daudkandi were inspired to stand strong. They ensured the Awami League could no longer maintain any presence there.

BSS: What are your expectations for politics in post-uprising Bangladesh? What kind of Bangladesh do you want to see?

Anik: After August 5, our directive was clear: JCD activists would not engage in vigilantism or take the law into their own hands. We've always said this country must belong to the people, not to a single party or a specific leader.

We envision a Bangladesh built on the politics of beauty, unity, and justice. It will be a Bangladesh where state institutions serve the public, not the ruling elite, a Bangladesh of all, for all.