By Poliar Wahid 

DHAKA, July 07, 2025 (BSS) - Ariful Islam Adeeb, Born on November 11, 1996, in Mehendiganj, Barishal, studied Zoology at Jahangirnagar University, is widely recognized as one of the key individual behind-the-scenes architects of the July uprising who now serves as the Senior Joint Convener of the National Citizen party (NCP).

Adeeb's journey in activism began in 2018 as the Joint Convener of the Jahangirnagar University unit of the quota reform movement. In 2019, he played a leading role in the "Jahangirnagar Against Corruption" campaign. 

He was a founding member of political party Gono Odhikar Parishad and had a role in adopting the party's charter. In 2023, he coordinated the Anti-Fascist Student Unity, a coalition of 16 student organizations, and also served as the Central General Secretary of the Student Rights Council.

Alongside his political activism, Adeeb has worked professionally as a freelance writer for national dailies and as a broadcast and multimedia journalist in several media outlets. He has endured repeated attacks by the ruling party and its student wing, including a 2019 assault inside the DUCSU building. He worked on the liaison committee of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and played a key role in organizing the National Citizens' Committee.

On the first anniversary of the July Uprising, Adeeb sits down with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS) for an exclusive interview, reflecting on the movement's genesis, its turning points, and what lies ahead. Here is the full interview.

BSS: Can you share some memories from the July uprising that you haven't shared with anyone yet?

Ariful Adeeb: I haven't spoken about it before, but two very important memories come to mind-what happened around noon on July 16 and August 5. Let me start with August 5. Around noon that day, I got a phone call from Asif Mahmud, who is now an advisor. He said, a state of emergency can be declared. Please bring journalists from international media-we are at Chankharpul."

As soon as I received Asif's call on August 5, I took a rickshaw with Netra News journalist Ehsan Mahmud and headed straight for Chankharpul. There, we saw the bodies of three martyrs. Asif Mahmud, Moazzem Hossain, and many others were present. I immediately informed BBC's Akbar Bhai and Reuters' Sam Bhai, although they couldn't make it in time. Hasina's police were still firing at people in Chankharpul. Around 1 PM, we managed to get on the main road. Then, with a rally, we marched through DMCH, Shaheed Minar, and TSC to reach Shahbagh.

When we reached Shahbagh, no one there yet knew whether Ganabhaban had been taken. Everyone understood something was happening, especially since the Army Chief was scheduled to speak, but no concrete information had reached us yet. We feared that a state of emergency might be declared. We were preparing for what to do next.

Asif Mahmud recorded a video around 1 PM. At Shahbagh, we met fellow movement leaders like Nahid Islam, Abu Bakr Majumder, Tarikul Islam, Lutfur Rahman, Asad Bin Roni, and others. Nahid Islam gave a speech there, but no media was present.

Then the revolutionary masses started marching towards Ganabhaban. Nahid, Asif, Bakr, and Tarikul were on a rickshaw, which was being pushed by the crowd. From there, we marched through Banglamotor, Kawran Bazar, and Farmgate to reach the Parliament building. The crowd was so massive that walking was difficult. People were crying, trying to touch Nahid and Asif. It was an indescribable, historic moment.

At the Parliament bhaban, Nahid Islam gave a four-minute speech, again without any microphone or media coverage. So the five of us-Nahid, Asif, Bakr, Tarikul, and I-decided we have to speak on live media. We were very anxious-Hasina had fled, but now what? 

Phone networks didn't work in the Parliament area, making it difficult to understand the situation. We decided we had to speak to the nation. The whole country was eagerly waiting for an announcement. We left the Parliament building, got into a CNG, then walked from Farmgate to reach Channel 24 after 5 PM.

Initially, the channel was reluctant to go live. They were receiving calls from detectives. Eventually, Talat Mamun Bhai agreed. In that historic broadcast, eight people appeared on-screen. I, along with Nasir, Mahfuz, Rafe, and others, remained behind the camera.

What about the incident on July 16?

Ariful Adeeb: The memories of July 16 at Dhaka University are also very significant. I arrived at TSC around 4 PM. Chhatra League was holding a rally, while 4,000-6,000 students had gathered at Shaheed Minar. As soon as I reached Shaheed Minar, I got confirmation of Abu Saeed's martyrdom.
I spoke with Asif. Thousands of students were determined to march to Raju Sculpture. I then contacted BNP's high command, VP Nurul Haque, and Shibir to make sure other political groups would also be prepared in case of an attack. Chhatra League was armed and stationed at Raju. Since I had a journalist's identity, my responsibility was to go to Raju and assess Chhatra League and police preparations. I also spoke with students. Asif Mahmud first sent me a video message confirming Abu Saeed's death.

Eventually, considering the risk of casualties and other concerns, the leaders decided not to go to Raju Sculpture. If they had gone, history might have been written differently. Perhaps 2,000 people would not have been martyred. Because, at that time, Dhaka University was center point of the movement. If DU students had control of the movement, the uprising would have taken a different shape.

Beyond your political identity, you're also a mainstream media professional. How and when did you get involved in the July Uprising?

Ariful Adeeb: My role in the July Uprising was primarily behind the scenes and as a main source for international media. On August 3, Dhaka Tribune published a story: "A trusted source from an influential intelligence agency has informed Bangla Tribune   that a 'young intellectual' has been deeply involved in the quota reform movement from behind the scenes. Investigations are being carried out into his links with a mainstream newspaper journalist and a well-known national thinker." The journalist in that report was me.

When brutal repression began on July 16 and Abu Saeed was martyred, then on July 18-19, internet shutdowns began. That's when my communication with core leaders like Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud intensified. Since I had connections with the student rights movement, I maintained close ties. Bangladeshi media was not covering the movement. So, given my media experience, I started sending messages to international outlets.

Which international media outlets did you send news to?

Ariful Adeeb: Primarily BBC, Reuters, AFP, Al Jazeera, and Netra News. We also sent stories to other outlets. I regularly communicated with Akbar Bhai, Tanvir Bhai, Ehsan Bhai, Harun Bhai, and Shafik Bhai. 

We've heard that you were the last person Nahid Islam spoke to before being abducted. Yet you weren't detained. Why?

Ariful Adeeb: That's correct. I was the last person Nahid Islam spoke with before he was taken. That's how the police got my number. As Nahid had disappeared, we were coordinating with his family for a press conference. At the same time, when Nurul Haque Nur was detained, I also contacted his family to arrange a joint press briefing. I had booked the hall at Dhaka Reporters Unity for this. 

But, before that press conference, both were found. When Nahid was taken, they first asked about me. But since I was a journalist, they didn't detain me on July 19. Instead, they inquired about me through my office editor. They pressured the owner and Shafi Bhai, the editor, to fire me. I survived three abduction attempts.

The first was on July 22 as plainclothes police came to my Mirpur house. The second was on July 24 near the BBC office. The third was in the early hours of July 26-four vehicles from joint forces raided my workplace. But I wasn't there. From earlier political experience, I had learned how to avoid police harassment. After July 22, I didn't return home until the new government took office. 

After Nahid Islam was abducted and tortured, he was dumped on the street. How did you rescue him?

Ariful Adeeb: After Nahid was abducted, he was beaten and dumped on the street. He called me and said, "Adeeb bhai, they've left me on the street. I'm feeling unwell, I need to go to a hospital. Where can I go?" I contacted an official at Gonoshasthaya (hospital). He began receiving treatment there. I was always involved in media work, so I took some videos of Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud-what had happened to them-and took photos too. Since the outlet I worked for wouldn't publish them, I tried to get them to international media. But by then, intelligence police were already tracking my phone.

I remember-on July 24, when I came out from the BBC office, two men on a motorcycle who had been following me also got down nearby. They started pulling out photos. Maybe they couldn't identify me as Adeeb. I realized what was happening and quickly crossed the street. It must have been around 9:30 PM. 

Another incident happened on July 22. The Gulshan area was deserted and tense. Suddenly, a CNG auto-rickshaw speedily crossed me, and I jumped. Then, a motorbike appeared. I didn't know the rider, but I told him, "Bhai, please help me." He seemed ready to protect me. He dropped me off at my office quickly.

Then I got a call from home: I was told not to return. I asked my wife, Nishat Farzana, to leave the house. Late at night, I dropped her off at her mother's place. I turned off my phone and left for another location. 

Was this the beginning of your life on the run?

Ariful Adeeb: Yes, this was the beginning-probably on July 22. After that, I couldn't go home. I worked one day at the office after that. Then I was told that members of an intelligence agency had visited the office. Since I had gone to Dhaka Medical, they might be looking for me. I was advised not to come to the office again, fearing arrest or worse. 

On July 26 around 2 PM, three more coordinators were picked up from Gonoshasthaya. Three others were abducted separately. 

That Friday night, around 4am, I went to the office. Everyone presented there was discussing about me. At that point, four RAB vehicles came to raid the office using phone tracking. But since the 12 storied building was under construction, they didn't find me. They beat up the guard downstairs, took him upstairs, and realized it was a newspaper office. They took the CCTV hard drive and left.
So day and night, police, RAB, and intelligence agencies kept trying to nab me.

Can you share us a bit about how the movement started?

Ariful Adeeb: The movement started on June 5 as the court declared illegal the 2018 circular that canceled the quota system. On June 6, students staged a protest at Dhaka University under the banner "Students of Dhaka University," demanding quota reform. Many students joined the protest.

On June 9, did the students protest again?

Ariful Adeeb: Yes, that day students gave the government a deadline by June 30 to meet their demands. They declared that if their demands weren't met by then, they would launch a full-scale movement. After the protest, a delegation went to the Supreme Court to submit a memorandum to the Attorney General. 

On July 1, students staged demonstrations again at Dhaka University and other universities.

Ariful Adeeb: Yes. From that protest, they demanded a final resolution by July 4. The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement announced a three-day program, including student gatherings at Raju Sculpture from Jagannath University, seven government colleges, and other institutions under the National University in Dhaka on Wednesday and Thursday.

On July 02, protesters marched from Nilkhet through Science Lab to Bata Signal and Shahbagh, where they staged an hour-long blockade. As part of that movement, JU students blocked the Dhaka-Aricha Road for 20 minutes. On July 3, demonstrators blocked Shahbagh intersection in Dhaka for about 1.5 hours. Students from six other universities also joined the protests and blockades.

So, who blocked the railway line in Mymensingh on July 3?

Ariful Adeeb: That day, the movement started spreading across the country. Students of Bangladesh Agricultural University blocked the railway line. Students from Chattogram and Barishal blocked the Chattogram-Khagrachari and Barishal-Kuakata highways, respectively. On July 4, students called for a student strike. On Friday, July 5-a holiday-they continued the blockade. Then on July 6, a new campaign called "Bangla Blockade" was announced, calling for boycotting classes and exams nationwide in all universities and colleges.

Who came up with the idea of "Bangla Blockade"?

Ariful Adeeb: All the movement leaders sat together and made decisions through discussions. I believe the term was proposed by Mahfuz Alam. The interesting part is that "Bangla Blockade" brought the capital to a standstill. That day, we realized that the general public was joining the movement with full enthusiasm. On that day, the indefinite suspension of classes and exams was also declared. 

On July 8, Nahid Islam said in a speech, "The ball is now in the government's court. There's no scope pointing to the court-the government must decide how this movement proceeds." Did you think at that point that the movement was heading toward a single-point demand?

Ariful Adeeb: Yes. On that day, a 65-member coordination team of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement was formed. That shows that Nahid, Asif, and Bakr understood the movement was gaining traction. On that day, Nahid also made a key demand-effectively a one-point demand, to abolish all irrational and discriminatory quotas in government jobs and to retain only a minimum quota for underprivileged groups, as per the Constitution, by passing legislation in Parliament. 

How did the movement evolve up to the July 14?

Ariful Adeeb: I can say about it on day basis. Just as the government held its ground, the students didn't back step either. That's how the movement advanced. For instance, on July 10, the Chief Justice said, "Verdicts don't change based on slogans on the street. This is not the proper path." On July 11, former Home Minister Kamal held a press conference at the Secretariat and said, "The students are crossing the line." 

On July 10, Obaidul Quader also made a statement.

Ariful Adeeb: Yes, they were all provoking the students. At a press conference at the Dhanmondi office, he said, "The quota protesters are showing force against the highest court. This is inappropriate and completely illegal." The next day, July 11 (Friday), students intensified the movement nationwide. That day, the then State Minister for Information, Arafat, said, "Since the matter is sub judice, the government cannot do anything."

Then, on July 14, Sheikh Hasina insulted the students by calling them "Razakars" during a press conference. That very night, the students poured in on the streets. No one could stop the wave after that. 

How did the student movement transform into a mass movement?

Ariful Adeeb: On Thursday, July 11, a program was announced to block Shahbagh. The next two days, Friday and Saturday, were government holidays. We became very tense. That was a turning point. The government could've shut down the universities. Nahid, Asif, and Bakr were all worried thinking that what to do, if the government launched crackdowns and filed cases instead of accepting the demands?

But if you noticed, Nahid Islam announced that day, "If students are attacked or harassed with lawsuits, the movement will escalate further. We may call for strikes and blockades." That eventually led to a total shutdown. 

Now, what does strike and blockade mean? This wasn't just a student movement anymore-it was a call for general public participation. From that statement onward, the seeds of a mass uprising were clearly sown.

On July 15, Bangladesh Chhatra League's central president Saddam Hossain said that those chanting "I am Rajakar" in the quota reform movement would be dealt with severely.

Ariful Adeeb: That was precisely when the attack happened. That assault, in fact, energized the movement. They thought students would be cowed and stop protesting out of fear. They tried to use past tactics again. On the 15th, around 500 students were injured. At DMCH, the situation was likened to "Gaza." Chhatra League entered hospitals and tortured the injured. They even tried to attack me that day. But I had been involved in student politics earlier, so Chhatra League recognized me. When I identified myself as a journalist and showed my ID, their stance changed. Colleagues from other media looked out for me. Then, on July 16, six people-starting with Abu Saeed-were martyred. The entire nation was raged with agner. On the same day, a state funeral procession was announced.

Were you present at Dhaka University's symbolic funeral (gaye-bana janaza) on July 17? Can you please describe your experience that day?

Ariful Adeeb: I was there. That day, police and Chhatra League controlled Shahbagh to TSC. I, Ehsan Bhai, and Romeo Bhai couldn't pass through Shahbagh. We took the metro to reach TSC. There we found Akhtar, but the police wouldn't let anyone stop. At one point, Akhtar lay down in front of Raju Sculpture and declared, "This campus is mine. Even if you kill me, I will not leave." All journalists surrounded him to offer some protection. Immediately, police fired tear gas and sound grenades at the journalists. One sound bomb hit a journalist, possibly from Desh TV or Channel S-I was standing right beside him. I was not struck personally, but all journalists were enraged.

Four students lay beside Akhtar. The police forcefully took Akhtar, but when we protected the other three, they couldn't take them. We then moved toward the VC's residence. A procession carrying six symbolic coffins reached in front of Rokeya Hall, and police launched a brutal crackdown-using tear shells, water cannons, tear gas, and sound grenades. They beat whoever they caught. No one could stand their ground-teargas made it impossible to see. People scattered in all directions, covering their eyes with tissue. Coffins were left behind in the street. Those images went viral. Yet the students didn't retreat-they moved toward the VC's residence. Then police launched an unprecedented assault on campus, forcing students out of their dorms. Many students were shot or injured.

That same day, Hasanath Abdullah and Sarjis Alam sat down on the road in front of the VC's residence, right? 

Ariful Adeeb: Yes, they did. After the first wave of police attacks and dispersal in front of Rokeya Hall, most students had left. But there were two who bravely sat down in the road, and a few others joined them. 

As I said, when the police entered the campus, we also went inside-many students were still present. We went to the dormitory area and witnessed another brutal crackdown. That day, on July 17, Hannan Masud was hit by dozens of pellet as he was seriously injured. 

At that time, we were desperately trying to rescue him. We carried him towards Mall Chattar-but Chhatra League blocked the way at Nilkhet, the police were at Raju Sculpture, and Shahbagh remained sealed. Somehow, a group of us managed to rescue him and get him to a hospital. After that, as you know, Chhatra League leaders were expelled from Dhaka University and announced that the campus was now "Chhatra-League-free." Driving them out of DU was half the battle won. Such a historic moment had never occurred before.

Where were you on July 18? 

Ariful Adeeb: The next day, July 18, a total shutdown campaign brought Dhaka and the country to a standstill. I went to Mirpur. Students occupied Mirpur 10 area, and by 2 PM they had taken control of surrounding areas. Only Mirpur 2 police station remained staffed, while police, BDR, and army were stationed after 11 am. Around 3 PM, attack from helicopters was unleashed on Kajipara. Then who were carrying the bodies of the deaths in the attack was also ambushed from above by RAB and from below by police. That night, around 10:30pm, police raided alleyways in Mirpur and began shooting. Law enforcers entered homes and looked for protesters. I tried to reach Mirpur 10 around 10:30pm, but police, BDR, and the army didn't allow me. The situation was extremely dangerous.

What happened next?

Ariful Adeeb: A curfew was imposed at night and the military was deployed. Internet services were shut down completely. In the morning, July 19, I managed to contact Nahid. He called me and said, "Brother, many people have died. The media isn't picking up our statements. What can we do?" Ehsan Bhai and I went to Dhaka Medical morgue. We collected information about dead bodies. That night, Nahid and I discussed what actions could be taken. It became difficult to communicate with other coordinators. I suggested organizing a mourning procession. After Friday prayers, Nahid delivered a statement that we reached several media outlets. I personally talked to the CEOs of three or four outlets, but none published the news. Later, Nahid and I spoke again. Then, after announcing the nine-point program, Nahid was abducted again around 1:30am on July 19. On the same day, Nurul Haque Nur and Ruhul Kabir Rizvi were also taken.

Then, from July 26 to 29, another round of abductions occurred, including Nahid Islam. During that period, how was the movement being run?

Ariful Adeeb: During that phase, the movement's leadership came from the second tier of leaders as especially Hannan Masud, Rifat Rashid, and Mahin Shekher became familiar names then. Abdul Kader was also active. They were kept safe at a secret location. I was supposed to be there too, but ultimately couldn't make it.

When did it become clear that the movement was heading toward toppling the government or pressing a one-point demand?
Ariful Adeeb: I realized it on the last of the month because on the 31st July, we had announced a programme to make Facebook profile red. The government had declared a programme wearing black batch but we countered with the programme of making social media profile red. It sparked a mini-revolution. It had a significant impact. Then I spoke again with Nahid. We considered the one-point demand. But announcing a one-point demand meant we were making a final decision.

If the movement failed, we would all have a risk of hanging. The whole nation could be defeated. Then we saw a massive solidarity protest by aggrieved poets, writers, and artists under the banner of Dhaka's Rabindra Sarobar Artists' Collective in rain at Banglamotor. That gave us courage. 

On the 3rd August, we decided, "We have to call a one-point demand." Nahid officially announced the one-point demand. We were worried whether people would respond on August 04. That fear went away as we saw on August 4, people again came out to the streets. That was a genuine mass uprising. Everyone from children to the elderly, women to transgenders-all joined the streets.

August 4 was indeed a turning point. Where were you that day?

Ariful Adeeb: On August 04, I left for Shahbagh with great personal risk. But when I passed Kawran Bazar, I saw a group of journalists holding a pro-government human chain at Fowara Chattar. At that time, most journalists were following the government's bidding. I confronted them-yet I couldn't photograph them because they recognized me as aligned with the movement. I was at risk of being handed over to the police. At Shahbagh, I saw the field occupied by Chhatra League and Jubo League. When a large procession from Dhaka University began moving toward Shahbagh, they rushed into PG Hospital and started setting fire to vehicles-cars, ambulances, private cars. They were trying to portray the fire incident as a work spearheaded by students or protesters. But international media were present, and the truth was exposed. Later, from Banglamotor and Kawran Bazar to Farmgate, a chase-and-clash staged between police and protesters, with heavy firing by the police. 
Meanwhile, Nahid and other movement leaders arrived at Shahbagh and gave speeches, declaring that if any further oppression occurred, they would be forced to take up arms.

The "Long March to Dhaka" was scheduled for the day after tomorrow. Why was the decision changed?

Ariful Adeeb: The plan was revised around 11 pm on August 04. We were contemplating what would happen if the government fled. We discussed it thoroughly and the decision was taken.
 
I've heard you played a key role in July -especially in the August, speaking with Tarique Rahman?

Ariful Adeeb: Because I had prior political experience, I was in communication with other political parties. I remained connected with the central leadership until a government could be formed. Through Ehsan Mahmud, I spoke with Tariq Rahman about a national government. We believed a national government would be better than any single party government.