Dhaka, July 8, 2025 (BSS) - The July Uprising in 2024 was the outcome of outrage from all walks of life, driven by Sheikh Hasina's tyrannical rule for over 15 years. Freedom-loving forces from across the spectrum engaged in the uprising to topple the Awami League government. Sibgatullah Sibga, former president of the Dhaka University chapter and currently the office secretary of Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir, was one of the front-liners in the student-led mass uprising. He risked his life to formulate policies and strategies, prepare programme schedules, disseminate them among various communities, including national and international journalists, and implement the programmes across the country.

Sibga was born in Thakurgaon. He completed his secondary and higher secondary education there. He studied Social Welfare and Research at Dhaka University. Currently, he is pursuing an MDS (Master in Development Studies) at the Department of Development Studies at the same university.

In an exclusive interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS) recently, he shared his experiences, the internal strategies behind the July Uprising, and his perspectives on administrative obstacles, the nature of student struggles, and the landscape of political unity.

BSS: When you were the president of the Dhaka University unit, was Chhatra Shibir banned on campus? How did you carry out political activities during that time?

Sibgatullah Sibga: Chhatra Shibir was never formally banned. But, as you know, at one point, the fascist government did ban Shibir. By then, however, their time was already up-the countdown to their exit had begun. Besides, the regime illegally harassed and persecuted general students as well as Shibir activists in various ways on campus. The country was under a fascist system where dissenting voices were not tolerated. In that environment, repression extended across different segments of society. You must have seen-even members of Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal couldn't maintain a presence on campus. Likewise, no other organization, including Shibir, could exist openly under their banners.

As an organisation, Islami Chhatra Shibir faced continuous efforts to suppress it in various ways. But Shibir never stopped its activities at Dhaka University. Our work is primarily moral and academic in nature. We focus on education and intellectual practice. Rallies and street demonstrations weren't central to our approach-we rarely even organized them. Instead, we emphasized internal communication, regular meetings, and maintaining a strong organizational structure. Those are our priorities.

 

How and when did you get involved in the 2024 quota reform movement? Were you also involved in the 2018 quota movement?

Sibgatullah Sibga: It wouldn't be accurate to say that the quota movement started only in 2018. This has been a long-standing struggle. Since 1996-97, when the quota system was being reconsidered, Islami Chhatra Shibir protested. There were movements again in 2008 and 2013-we were involved in those as well. Then the 2018 movement came. So, limiting the narrative to just 2018 would mean ignoring the full scope of history.

During the 2018 quota reform movement, I was a student at Dhaka University. I actively participated in various rallies and programs. At that time, we were in communication with the individuals leading the movement. We made every effort to shape public opinion, mobilize our manpower, and ensure the participation of general students. Since apolitical groups were at the forefront during that phase, it was Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir that provided full organizational support behind the scenes.

 

After the abolition of the quota system in June 2024, a sustained movement began. How did you get involved at that stage?

Sibgatullah Sibga: After the quotas were scrapped, we held internal meetings. We discussed how we would take part in the movement. Our main demand had always been merit-based recruitment in jobs. So we decided that, no matter what, we had to resist any attempt to reinstate the quota system.

 

What kinds of obstacles were being created by the administration at that time? And how did you deal with them?

Sibgatullah Sibga: The top officials in the administration were definitely beneficiaries of the regime. They had no interest in seeing the movement succeed. There was a kind of passive non-cooperation from the university authorities during the programs. And the law enforcement agencies were excessively aggressive. Still, because of the spontaneous participation of general students, they couldn't impose large-scale crackdowns.

At first, attempts to suppress the movement came through the hall provosts, and later through the Chhatra League. Students were identified and labeled as "traitors" to prevent them from leaving their dorms to join the protests.

 

The 2024 quota movement later transformed into an anti-government movement, with parties across the ideological spectrum-left and right-participating. What do you think was the reason behind everyone coming together?

Sibgatullah Sibga: The abolition of the quota system was the demand of all students and political parties alike. But when students who took to the streets to make their legitimate demands were fired upon, they rebelled. They sent a clear message to the government: "We don't accept you." The students' stance was, "We will protest to get our demands met, and you (the government) will respond with gunfire? That's unacceptable."

Especially after incidents like Abu Sayeed being shot and many other contemporaneous events, all students took to the streets. To show solidarity with them, political parties from all sides also joined the movement.

 

Chhatra League attacked students at the VC Chattar on July 15. How did you respond?

Sibgatullah Sibga: The events really began on July 14. That day, Sheikh Hasina called protesting students "grandchildren of Razakars." I wasn't on campus at the time, but I heard that protests broke out in several dormitories that night in response. She tried to frame the students with that label, and everyone took it personally. The students turned it around with the slogan: "Ami ke? Tumi ke? Razakar, Razakar!"

In protest, the next day the entire campus erupted-we were there too. Even the girls in the halls broke the locks and joined in. Almost every student participated in those demonstrations.

At that point, it really felt like something big-maybe even disastrous-could happen. Because the general students were clearly taking a stand against the ruling party's narrative. Fearing that the government or Chhatra League might take a hard-line approach, we stayed in position throughout the day.

Then, on July 15, we came to learn that no one was being allowed to leave the Bijoy 71 Hall. In response, a section of students gathered at the Raju Memorial Sculpture and began moving toward the campus. As you know, that march was also attacked. We received numerous video clips of the attack within a short time. The footage showed assaults on students-especially female students. We collected every piece of that footage and spread it across the entire country. It was important that everyone knew what was happening-that Dhaka University students were being subjected to repression.

Many stakeholders played an incredible role at that point, especially Dhaka University correspondents. We also received help from some freelancers and on-duty media workers at the scene.

 

On July 15, there were repeated clashes at Shahidullah Hall. That dormitory was essentially under lockdown. It's been said that Chhatra League couldn't enter the hall that day because of Shibir's strong presence. How would you explain that?

Sibgatullah Sibga: That day, students were beaten, and there were even attacks carried out inside hospitals. At one point, the university unit president called me and informed me of everything. I saw that even those injured in the attacks were being assaulted while seeking treatment.

At that point, I deployed teams from several branches, including Dhaka Metropolitan South and Dhaka Metropolitan East, to the scene to resist the attackers. They went with sticks in hand. I told them to form a march, pass through the medical area, and move alongside Shahidullah Hall.

At the same time, we were told that coordinators were hesitant to announce the next day's program, fearing low turnout. Without adequate manpower, it would be difficult to declare a large-scale agenda. Later, manpower from both city units arrived and chased away the Chhatra League from the area. That's when the press conference was finally held.

 

Are you saying that the late-night press conference on July 15 was essentially arranged by your team?

Sibgatullah Sibga: Exactly. We had our people positioned all around the area. A few groups were kept on standby around the campus to mount resistance against any sudden attack.

 

The fall of the government came with many challenges. Can you specify the roles Shibir played during that period?

Sibgatullah Sibga: On July 16, the campus situation was extremely critical. That day witnessed the most violent clashes. After that, the movement shifted to a whole new phase.

Another thing-under a political banner, the biggest rally on the quota issue was held that very day. And it was organized by Shibir. Every major news outlet in the country covered it. After the rally, our activists spread out and took up positions.

Manpower from city units and several college branches, including Dhaka College, City College, and Science Lab, were stationed strategically. Our main goal was to draw attention to those points so the campus program could proceed peacefully. The plan was to march and then gradually return to campus. But due to gunfire from Chhatra League, Jubo League, and local Awami League thugs, that didn't happen.

At the same time, there was a clash in the Chankharpul area involving a group linked to Haji Selim. Shibir acted as a shield there-to block Haji Selim's men from entering the campus. Meanwhile, students across campus and at the Shaheed Minar began gathering sticks in large numbers. A significant portion of those sticks was supplied by our external manpower.

That day, at least six students, including Abu Sayeed, were martyred across the country. In the aftermath, enraged students armed with sticks stormed into the dorms. Late into the night, they united and drove out Chhatra League from the dorms and the campus, one stronghold after another.

 

Was this led by Shibir?
Sibgatullah Sibga: It was led by general students. But Shibir certainly played a significant role. Because ordinary students were feeling unsafe simply sharing the same halls with Chhatra League. There was deep resentment that these were the same people who had killed their fellow students.

Students felt it was no longer acceptable to coexist with those who had carried out such acts. They believed the time had come to take a stand and retaliate against the Chhatra League, which had been torturing students for years through guest room practices.

 

How did the gayebana janaza (funeral in absentia) on July 17 change the course of the movement?

Sibgatullah Sibga: On the morning of July 17, Chhatra League had already been driven out of all the dormitories. On the other hand, the administration was showing clear signs of wanting to vacate the campus. But we had decided we wouldn't leave. Eventually, it became apparent that staying was no longer feasible. So, gradually, everyone moved toward joining the gayebana janaza. Even there, the authorities carried out attacks, including using sound grenades.

That same day, someone from the university called me and asked if it would be possible to bring to campus the body of a martyr who had died in the New Market clash on July 16. But that wasn't possible. Later, I heard someone else had died in Kamrangirchar. I went there and found out that the authorities didn't even allow the janaza to take place; the body was sent straight to his village.

When we couldn't retrieve the bodies, multiple symbolic coffins were brought to campus under the supervision of Chhatra Shibir.

 

When the crackdown on students began, how did you respond? Did you or your family face any dangerous or frightening situations during that time?

Sibgatullah Sibga: The entire period was extremely difficult for us. People already knew me as a Shibir leader. As a former office-bearer of the Dhaka University unit, I was present in Shibir's rally on July 16. We came to know that intelligence agencies and others were actively looking for us. Still, I didn't back away from being on the ground.

We did take some precautions. As long as the network was available, I used online communication and avoided offline meetups. When the mobile network was shut down, I never used the same phone more than once. That's how I kept our ground-level communication alive. I maintained constant contact to track where students were gathering across Dhaka and where our people were positioned.

Maintaining that network came with the constant risk of arrest or torture at any moment.

 

Were you actively on the ground the entire time?

Sibgatullah Sibga: Yes, I was.

 

After Dhaka University was declared closed, the movement seemed to lose some momentum. How did private universities manage to keep it alive during that time? What role did Shibir play in that phase?

Sibgatullah Sibga: After the campus was shut down on July 17, I got in touch with our activists who were studying at private universities.

 

What made you think of involving them?

Sibgatullah Sibga: All public universities, including Dhaka University, had already been closed. Everyone was ordered to vacate the dorms. But students from private universities were still in Dhaka, mostly living in messes. Those universities hadn't been shut down yet, and many of the students were based in the capital. So, if we could mobilize them, the movement could stay alive. That was the thought behind involving them.

What decisions do you think played the biggest role in making this movement successful?

Sibgatullah Sibga: The most crucial one was the announcement of the '9-point demands.'

There's some controversy around who actually announced the 9-point demands. Could you clarify?

Sibgatullah Sibga: We drafted the 9-point demands, actually. After the internet shutdown, someone had to announce the next day's program-that was non-negotiable. In that moment, a group from Islami Chhatra Shibir prepared the draft, which we then finalized.

As you know, the 9-point demands were announced through Abdul Kader. We had multiple options for who could deliver it, but we felt he was a suitable choice. We already had ongoing contact with him during the earlier phases of the movement. That's why we decided to bring it forward through him.

But he didn't have the logistical capacity to distribute it everywhere. So, we printed the charter and personally delivered it to several media houses. We also sought help from campus reporters. One of the biggest catalysts for the spread and credibility of our 9-point demands was international media. Abdul Kader was essentially kept in a safe house. From there, we recorded the video of him announcing the 9 points and sent it to various international media outlets.

During that time, each day's program was decided and announced ahead of the next. Before the internet shutdown, this coordination was managed by the designated coordinators. But once the network was cut off, the movement had begun to stall. Students were being martyred in the streets, and yet the critical question became: Who will give the call for tomorrow?

This is where Islami Chhatra Shibir played an outstanding role. From the entry points of Dhaka city to various other locations-wherever students were mobilizing, wherever action was happening-it was our network and manpower that ensured updates were delivered and messages were spread. I believe that was a truly game-changing step.

 

Were there any other such incidents you'd like to mention?

Sibgatullah Sibga: There were countless incidents. Every day, we sat together to decide what the next day's program would be. We kept in touch with the coordinators and announced the programs accordingly.

 

Initially, the movement was only a student-led reform movement. Later, ordinary citizens joined in. Did you play any role in that shift?

Sibgatullah Sibga: Absolutely. A large portion of the general public were victims of the Awami League's oppression. So, many of them were already willing to take to the streets. From our organizational stance, when we took to the streets, general students came with us. People of all ages joined in. We used to identify specific locations and announce them. For example, we'd say, "There will be a protest in front of Jagannath University today." That helped ensure public participation.

 

How did the movement evolve from the 9-point demands to a single-point demand? What were the challenges?

Sibgatullah Sibga: The seeds of the one-point demand were already within the 9-point charter. Most of those demands were practically impossible for the Awami League to accept. So, people naturally gravitated toward a single-point goal. From July 20, the one-point demand-the government's resignation-gained momentum. In fact, about a week earlier, we'd already begun seeing mass participation in different programs. The one-point demand wasn't just a political slogan; it came from ordinary people and students. They were asking: So many innocent people died-and we're still keeping an illegal government in power? Why?

 

After this mass uprising, do you think a new political framework is necessary?

Sibgatullah Sibga: Absolutely. Major reforms are needed. The roots of the fascist rise in Bangladesh must be addressed. But what we're seeing now is that even though there's been a change in power, it's just a shift in personnel-the system remains the same. Awami League may have left, but whoever replaces them might follow the same authoritarian path. In my view, a deep transformation in political culture is necessary.

 

If this movement had not succeeded, how do you think the situation in Bangladesh would have been?

Sibgatullah Sibga: If it hadn't succeeded, we would have faced countless problems. Especially as an organization, we were already banned. Many reports had been filed against our brothers, and actions would have been taken against them. We would have been tried through various media trials. The ordinary students who took part in the movement would also have been persecuted.

In fact, much of this did happen at that time. Many students were imprisoned, taken into remand, and tortured. We were not truly free. I felt that if the Awami League remained in power, then for another 10 to 15 years we would have to endure this situation. That's why whatever needed to be done had to be done at that moment. Getting rid of the Awami League was very necessary then.

 

If the movement had not succeeded, what do you think would have happened to the general students and the public?

Sibgatullah Sibga: Then the fascist forces would have entrenched themselves even more firmly. People would have lost their rights to justice. Enforced disappearances, killings, and murders would have increased compared to before.

 

Is there any similarity between the 1952 Language Movement, the 1971 Liberation War, the 1990 anti-autocracy movement, and the 2024 mass uprising? Are these movements connected to each other?

Sibgatullah Sibga: There are definitely some similarities. However, each movement happened in a different context. The 1990 anti-autocracy movement was a major one. But toward the end of the 2024 movement, people from all classes participated. Nearly two thousand people lost their lives in this movement, which didn't happen in the others. For this reason, I consider the 2024 uprising a revolution. Even after so many lives were lost, people stayed on the streets and succeeded in getting their demands met. In this respect, 2024 is somewhat different.

 

Toward the end of the movement, terms like "Red Revolution" (changing Facebook profile pictures to red), "Remembering Our Heroes," the memorandum to the President, "March to Bangabhaban," and "Bangla Blockade" became popular. How did these ideas come about?

Sibgatullah Sibga: Yes, we were present during the announcement of these programs. While the coordinators declared them from the front lines, the internal understanding and planning were always with us.

 

Whom did Shibir assign to handle these matters?

Sibgatullah Sibga: Shadik Kayem. At the time, he was the president of the Dhaka University (DU) unit of Shibir. The movement itself was centered on DU. Initially; we held organizational meetings, where 4-5 central leaders would make decisions. Then, Shadik would announce the programs accordingly. The idea of changing Facebook profile pictures to red was presented by Farhad (now DU president).

 

A memorandum was submitted to the President. Why did you think that was necessary?

Sibgatullah Sibga: That was an early initiative in the movement. The objective of any movement is to achieve its demands. At first, we wanted to resolve things through dialogue. So we tried to engage different stakeholders. Submitting the memorandum to the President was part of that approach.

 

A video message was released from the DB (Detective Branch) office calling off the movement. How did you take that?

Sibgatullah Sibga: I saw that six coordinators were announcing the suspension of the movement from the DB office. The general public saw it too. But by that time, we were at the peak of the movement. There was no room to listen to anyone. And this movement wasn't about one or two individuals -- it belonged to the masses and to all students. It was never the kind of movement that could be stopped by the statement of six people or even three more coordinators. As you've seen, right after that announcement, both we and the general students immediately rejected it and continued our programs in our own ways.

 

On August 3, after the announcement of the one-point demand, Asif Mahmud said in a video message that the "March to Dhaka" would be held on the August 5 instead of August 6. Why?

Sibgatullah Sibga: The demand to bring it forward by a day came from our side. Over a hundred people had lost their lives in the clashes on August 4. There was no way we could observe a soft or symbolic program the next day.

 

How did you convince everyone to agree to this program?

Sibgatullah Sibga: Through discussion and consensus. Their organizational capacity was limited -- they didn't know how many people would actually show up. We, on the other hand, had confidence because our manpower was significantly stronger.

 

Tell us about the key events of August 5. Where were you that day and what did you do?

Sibgatullah Sibga: I was at Shahbagh all day. In between, I moved around different points briefly to monitor the situation.

 

It would be helpful if you could explain it chronologically. How did you enter Shahbagh? When did you learn that Sheikh Hasina had fled the country? What did you do then?

Sibgatullah Sibga: On the night of August 3, we already sensed that something major was about to happen. On the August 5, when we reached Shahbagh, we saw that the military had been deployed. Students were gathering one by one, thinking about how to enter Shahbagh. I told them, "It's not possible to hold ground on the main road, let's go through the inside route." Then we took position in the alley near PG Hospital, where three to four thousand people gathered.

After a while, we received news that Sheikh Hasina had fled. We then instructed the groups from Mirpur, Uttara, and other areas to converge on Shahbagh. From there, several groups advanced toward Ganabhaban (the Prime Minister's residence). Later, we made contact with various places. That night, we discussed a new program focused on who we wanted in the caretaker government and what demands we had.

 

Do you have anything special to say about the movement?

Sibgatullah Sibga: The entire movement was extremely challenging. Especially on the day of the "March for Justice" program, we were utterly exhausted. It felt like we couldn't go on anymore. It was hard to mobilize people that day. The program was centered around the Judge Court and High Court areas, because we already had people stationed there. We had hoped the pressure would be less. But even then, we had to endure immense pressure. Still, Alhamdulillah. Every day, in different districts and divisions across the country, our planned events were successfully carried out. After facing many ups and downs, we achieved our greatest victory on August 5.

Thank you.
Sibgatullah Sibga: Welcome and thanks to BSS.