By Naser Uddin

DHAKA, July 25, 2025 (BSS) – Akram Hossain, joint member secretary of the National Citizen Party (NCP), has been politically conscious since his early student days and has long stood at the forefront of movements advocating for students' rightful demands.

While studying in the Department of Sociology at Dhaka University, Akram was actively involved as an organizer of the Student Rights Council. His political journey began by uniting with various student and civic groups to build an anti-fascist democratic front.

Because of his outspoken stance on human rights, freedom of expression and democracy, Akram was subjected to multiple arrests, abductions and torture under the previous authoritarian regime.

From the 2018 quota reform movement, the road safety protests and the agitation against rape and the outrage following Abrar Fahad’s murder, Akram was a frontline leader in nearly every major student movement of recent years.

Most recently, he played a key role at the policy-making level during the 2024 mass uprising and served as a member of the six-member liaison committee formed following the fall of the authoritarian regime. 

Drawing from these experiences, Akram continues to work toward mobilizing the youth to build a just, inclusive, and tolerant society.

In a recent interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Akram Hossain shared his insights and experiences regarding the July Uprising.

BSS: Many leaders of the July uprising were active in earlier movements. How did your political journey start?

Akram Hossain: When we first enrolled in university, the environment felt like a desert devoid of free thought or space for student politics.

The repression and suppression carried out by the Awami League created an urgency in us to engage in politics. Back then, politics was dominated by labels that were used to strip people of their fundamental rights.

In those university years, our group naturally came together. A political bond formed between us based on shared ideas, which gradually led us into activism. From around 2016 onward, we fought side by side in every major anti-Chhatra League movement on campus. 

Even in the movement against Sheikh Hasina, we stayed in contact, though we maintained a bit of strategic distance. But there was never any ideological divide among us.

BSS: How do you stay connected, and how did like-minded leaders come together?

Akram Hossain: We connected with each other mainly through reading circles. The situation on campus was brutal and inhumane. During the 2018 quota reform movement, we all came together more formally. After the arrest of the frontline leaders, we led by Nahid Islam kept the movement going from behind the scenes.

Our group also played an important role in the 2018 road safety movement. In fact, the most significant event of that movement was organized by Nahid Islam. Now, some try to claim we only led the July movement. But that’s far from true. Every major movement against fascism in recent years has involved our group.

Of course, we weren’t alone. Leaders from other political backgrounds Shibir, Chhatra Dal and leftist organizations were also involved with us.

BSS: Past movements faced stagnation and weak public involvement; why did this uprising attract so much public participation?

Akram Hossain: There was no turning back from this movement for us or for the people. The public had their backs against the wall. There was no way out but forward.

We had always nurtured anti-Chhatra League politics on campus. We believed in it with all our hearts. During the movement, many of us received tempting offers. But no one fell into Sheikh Hasina’s trap.

We felt deeply committed to the people of Bangladesh. We genuinely wanted to do politics for the country. That’s why we didn’t sell ourselves to Sheikh Hasina.

Had we suddenly jumped into activism, we might have backed out. But we were preparing ourselves from our early campus days through cultural work, writing or street politics. That’s how we moved forward.

From the beginning of our campus lives, we were committed to doing politics for Bangladesh. That’s why Sheikh Hasina could never buy us off.

BSS: You left campus politics before the uprising. How did you become involved at that stage?

Akram Hossain: Although I left campus, I remained in constant contact with campus politics. From the very start of the uprising, I was in touch with the student leaders and kept up with every development.

I worked behind the scenes, offering logistical support and helping unite people from various backgrounds, activists, political leaders and writers, because nothing significant can happen without collective effort.

From day one, I worked to bring together those active on social media and those writing on various issues. Building that alliance was crucial.

BSS: You and Nahid Islam came to Shahbagh on August 4. What do you recall from that day?

Akram Hossain: By then, it was clear that Sheikh Hasina’s fall was inevitable. And that made the situation extremely dangerous, because she was capable of anything to cling to power.

After the July 15 Chhatra League attack on university students, when they were eventually forced off campus, we knew they couldn’t return. On the night of August 3, Nahid, Nasiruddin Patwari and I were at a house in Banasree.

On August 4, we took a CNG to Shahbagh. The atmosphere in Dhaka was terrifying. Until we reached Shahbagh, we were overwhelmed with fear. We couldn’t distinguish between student groups and Chhatra League thugs.

Whenever protesters recognized Nahid, they’d make way for our vehicle. While Nahid was giving his speech at Shahbagh, we had already decided to launch the long march on the July 6. But standing there, I spoke with Mahfuz Bhai, who warned that the government would soon cut off internet access again.

Right there, we decided to advance the long march by one day. Then Asif publicly announced the new date.

BSS: The enforced disappearances of movement leaders began soon after. What do you remember from that period?

Akram Hossain: The night before Nahid Islam was abducted, he was with me. That night, we had to change locations several times. We were deeply afraid.

That kind of integrity will keep Nahid’s name alive in politics for the next hundred years.

Later that night, Nahid came to my place. Some university friends who had taken refuge at my home were terrified when they saw him the next morning. Their fear was justified, intelligence and law enforcement agencies were actively searching for him.

BSS: Some try to pit the 2024 uprising against the 1971 Liberation War. What's your stance on this?

Akram Hossain: From the start, we’ve maintained that 1947, 1971 and 2024 are interconnected milestones that have pushed our nation forward.

In 1947, Muslims first gained land here. In 1971, we won a state. And in 2024, we achieved a new freedom by defeating fascism and asserting independence from Delhi’s influence.

Each of these struggles is connected. Without 1947, 1971 would not have happened. Without 1971, 2024 would have been impossible. Anyone who tries to diminish one of these movements is only sowing division.

BSS: Is the dream of a new Bangladesh, born from the uprising, being realized?

Akram Hossain: The aspirations we had during the uprising have not been fully met. But it would also be wrong to say that nothing has happened.

In many countries, we’ve seen instability follow revolutions. After August 15, 1975, Bangladesh experienced years of unrest. Compared to that, this government’s major achievement has been ensuring stability.

To fight the entrenched mafia system, a powerful government is usually needed. But this government hasn’t applied authoritarian force. So far, no one can accuse them of enforced disappearances or political harassment.

These are significant achievements. But in every sector, syndicates are obstructing progress. Without strict enforcement of the rule of law, we cannot build an equitable society.

If we fail to establish rule of law, we will never be able to build the discrimination-free future we dream of for Bangladesh.