By Mutaher Hussain

DHAKA, July 17, 2025 (BSS) - The July Uprising in 2024 is an unprecedented chapter in the political history of Bangladesh.

Jabir Ahmed Jubel was one of the front liners in the student-led anti-fascist movement. 

“The July movement was not merely a protest . . . it awaked the entire nation to establish democracy in the country uprooting deep rooted fascism,” he said.   

Jubel was born and raised in Derai Upazila in Sunamganj. He completed his secondary and higher secondary education at Jalalabad Cantonment Public School and College in Sylhet.

 In 2018, he was admitted to the Department of Finance at the University of Dhaka.

 A resident of Shaheed Sergeant Zahurul Haque Hall, Jubel became actively involved in the 2018 quota reform movement and the road safety movement. These early engagements drew him deeper into the world of politics.

This young leader from the haor region of Sunamganj soon witnessed firsthand the repressive political environment and authoritarian rule within the university. 

From the quota reform movement to the road safety protests, and finally, the July uprising that toppled authoritarian Sheikh Hasina government, Jubel’s bold and vocal presence earned him the trust and admiration of the new generation. He now serves as the General Secretary of the central committee of the Biplobi Chhatra Maitri (Revolutionary Student Unity).

In a recent interview with the Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Jubel shared his reflections on the uprising and the turbulent days that shaped it.

BSS: Which political organization are you currently affiliated with? And how did your political journey begin?

Jabir Ahmed Jubel: I currently serve as the central General Secretary of Biplobi Chhatra Maitri. Even during my school and college years, I had a growing awareness of politics, history, and society. Growing up in the remote haor region gave me a clear view of the deep-rooted class divisions in society. From those early days, I felt drawn to the kind of politics that could transform society.

After I got admitted to Dhaka University in 2018, that first year became a turning point in my life. I was placed in the tin-roofed dormitory, Room 20 -- a crowded space where 30 of us were crammed together. It didn’t take me long to realize that the hall was essentially under the control of the Chhatra League (now banned student wing of fascist Awami League).

 No other political or even apolitical identity had any space there. By 10pm each night,

 under the guise of “teaching manners,” they would brutally suppress the independent spirit and protest instincts of students, using what was essentially political torture. Students were forced to join their programs as a show of loyalty the next morning.

Seeing all this completely shattered my previous perception of the university, shaped by my study of history. The institution that once stood for free thought and championing the cause of the people now felt like a closed prison, an establishment that crushed dissent.

Not long after classes began, a brutal attack was carried out by Chhatra League leaders on progressive and leftist students protesting in front of the Vice Chancellor’s office. That day left a deep scar in my memory.

“I saw barbarism of Chhatra League on the campus in the name of politics. The general students were confined with ill-political activities of Chhatra league”    
Within a few months, the quota reform movement began. As a politically conscious student, I joined from the outset.

 But at one stage, the Chhatra League began to obstruct the movement. Despite their interference, many first- and second-year students from our hall continued to participate. 

I also took an active role. Eventually, the police and Chhatra League launched violent attacks. I was injured in the head during one of these assaults.

That same year, the road safety movement began, and I joined that too. Once again, I was attacked by police and Chhatra League members -- this time near the Science Laboratory area.

These two movements during my first year fundamentally changed me. I started thinking seriously about building a student movement rooted in the people’s interests. It became clear to me that without organization, it would be impossible to dismantle the fascist power structure that was crushing our country like a boulder.

I realized something had to change. The country couldn’t go on like this. That urgency, mixed with pain and inner turmoil, began to consume me.

One night in October or November of my first year, I reached out to Tuhin Khan, then Joint Convener of the Dhaka University unit of Biplobi Chhatra Maitri, via Facebook. I poured out the conflict and anguish I was feeling inside and told him I wanted to join their politics.

 The next day, I met with the leaders of the organization, and my journey in this struggle began. Since then, I’ve been actively involved in nearly every anti-fascist movement on campus.

BSS: The 2024 quota reform movement progressed in several phases. How did you get involved? At what stage were you most active? And did you support the movement from the beginning?

Jabir Ahmed Jubel: Biplobi Chhatra Maitri supported the movement from the very beginning. As I’ve said earlier, the day the High Court invalidated the circular (that had withdrawn quotas in 2018), we immediately protested and held demonstrations. Starting on the second day of July, our organization’s leaders and activists began playing an active role in the joint movement.

Initially, there was an attempt to keep the movement somewhat “apolitical” and to distance it from politically known individuals.

 So, for the sake of the movement, those of us who were more publicly associated with political groups chose to stay slightly behind the scenes during the early stages.

But on July 14, when Sheikh Hasina labeled the protesters as “Razakars” (collaborators of the 1971 Pakistani army), the movement took a decisively political turn -- it entered its second phase. From that night until the afternoon of August 5, I was most active.

BSS: There are ideological differences among student organizations. Yet in this movement, everyone came together. How do you view this unity? What do you think made it possible?

Jabir Ahmed Jubel: Ideological differences are natural. But at that moment, every student organization was united in its goal to overthrow the fascist regime. In fact, as the movement progressed, the unity among student groups only deepened. It was these organizations that ultimately drove the movement toward demanding the government's resignation.

BSS:On July 14, during a press conference, Sheikh Hasina referred to the students as Razakars. You responded vocally to that. Tell us about your reaction.

Jabir Ahmed Jubel: After our march toward Bangabhaban ended, reactions to Hasina’s “Razakar” remark began spreading quickly among students. Around 10 or 10:30pm, I heard that some students in the hall area were chanting slogans in protest. I rushed over.

 As I approached Mal Chattar, I heard: “Who are you? Who am I? Razakar! Razakar!” The students were mocking Hasina with her own words.
But hearing this, I instantly realized the government might take this literally and use it as justification for a severe crackdown. Their intellectual and civil society allies would manufacture public consent for it. That’s when I felt the slogan needed to be rearticulated—framed differently to avoid giving the regime ammunition.

BSS: Where were you and what were you doing during the attack on Dhaka University students on July 15?

Jabir Ahmed Jubel: When our rally reached the hall area, bricks and stones started flying from inside the dorms. It went on like that for a while. But our resistance didn’t hold for long -- we had to pull back a little. I stayed for a while near Mal Chattar.

As we moved toward the VC’s residence, a Chhatra League group ambushed us from the “Shadow” area near Madhur Canteen. Many were injured, but we regrouped at the VC Chhatar. At this point, I noticed that most of the well-known coordinators and co-coordinators of the movement were missing. Even the person leading the slogans through a rickshaw-mounted mic had disappeared. Our numbers had significantly dropped. 

Those who remained were scattered from the VC Chattar to Fuller Road.
Meanwhile, Chhatra League attackers were brutally beating students wherever they could find them.

Eventually, a group of us took temporary refuge just before Udayan School, but we couldn’t stay long. One by one, people began to leave the area. A few of us stayed back. At the Swadhinata Stambha near the sculpture, I ran to Mahfuz bhai. He was standing alone.

 Soon after, he too left through Palashi.

That’s when I heard that several of our female comrades - well-known faces - along with other female students, had been trapped near the faculty quarters and beside Salimullah Muslim. Some were slightly injured. I felt an overwhelming sense of helplessness.

Just then, I saw someone walking past Jagannath Hall, wearing a journalist’s ID. It was Al Sadi Bhuiyan, then president of the Dhaka University Journalists’ Association. I asked him to help get the trapped girls out safely, his press credentials might help. He went with our comrades Rasha, Adrita Roy from Chhatra Union, and a student from the Faculty of Fine Arts to try to rescue them.

Meanwhile, I sent our injured comrades to Dhaka Medical College Hospital. The area was nearly deserted by then. I sat near the Salimullah Muslim Hall gate with Waker from Zia Hall. We saw a Women’s League procession marching past us into Fuller Road.

Then we too went to Dhaka Medical.

There wasn’t much time to look long at our wounded comrades. We focused on getting them into rickshaws and ensuring someone accompanied each of them to the hospital.

 But once we arrived at the hospital, the air was thick with the cries of pain and the smell of blood. I saw Imu frantically moving between wards trying to arrange treatment for the injured. Outside the emergency gate, some student leaders were speaking to TV cameras -- leaders I hadn’t seen once from VC Chattar to Fuller Road during the entire attack.

Soon, word spread that armed Chhatra League members were gathered right outside the hospital. They occasionally tried to approach the emergency entrance. One of our injured was attacked just in front of the gate.

A group of them stormed inside the emergency ward. That’s when we -- Tazim and Himu and many others -- locked arms and formed a human shield to block them from reaching the critically injured.

Later, the principal of Dhaka Medical College arrived. We surrounded him, demanding action and protection. He called in Ansar personnel to guard the main emergency gate.

Eventually, things calmed a little. Leaders from the left-wing student groups gathered under the Burn Unit. We decided to go to BUET (Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology) to regroup and figure out our next move. One by one, we entered through the gate beside BUET’s sports field -- Tahmid Hossain and Mashiat from BUET were with us, along with several others.

Inside BUET, we tried to organize a protest in response to that day’s brutal attack. Tahmid and Mashiat reached out to their friends. We told others to spread out across BUET’s academic area, the Shaheed Minar, and other key spots.
Later, I went with Numan from Journalism Department to the canteen at Shaheed Smriti Hall.

 Others were supposed to meet us there. At a corner table, I saw Nahid bhai (Nahid Islam) and a few others sitting. Just then, we saw a group from Chhatra League doing a showdown, passing the BUET Shaheed Minar.

 I told Numan to warn Nahid bhai and suggest he move somewhere safer.
Ten minutes later, we heard several loud blasts of cocktail bombs. That’s how the day ended.

BSS: The police attacked during the absentee funeral prayer. During the expulsion of Chhatra League from the residential halls, what were you doing?
 
Jabir Ahmed Jubel: On July 16, a program was scheduled at the Shaheed Minar. But by then, we had practically lost control of the Dhaka University. Chhatra League leaders and activists had occupied the Raju Sculpture area and were staying there round-the-clock. So, there were doubts about the success of the day’s program.

The previous day saw massive coordination failures, and when female students were attacked near Fuller Road and in front of the dorms, many of the coordinators had fled the scene.

 As a result, we received word that girls from the DU dorms and Eden College would not be coming to the Shaheed Minar. So, even at the scheduled time, the Shaheed Minar remained nearly empty.

Our organization’s activists were scattered around the Kalibari area of the Ramna park. Once we heard people were gathering at the Shaheed Minar, we marched there from Doel Chattar with the Chhatra Jote (Student Alliance). A large march from BUET joined shortly afterward, which inspired everyone. Then, marches from the female dorms and Eden College began to arrive.

News came in that Abu Sayeed from Rangpur had been killed. A few more had been martyred across the country. Despite the emotional momentum, the program ended in disarray due to lack of coordination. After the event at the Shaheed Minar, a procession started, aimlessly wandering between Doel Chattar and back to the Shaheed Minar. The coordinators faced heavy criticism from general students. Eventually, the march ended near the VC’s residence.

I hadn’t stayed in the dorms for several nights before, but that night I stayed with Numan in our room. Due to the incidents of the past two days, the movement had lost momentum. The next day was the absentee funeral prayer. There was a pervasive sense of fear among students that night. I told everyone I met, “Tonight is crucial. We need to revive the movement.”

Around 12:30am, to regain confidence, some students began chanting slogans inside the hall. As more students joined, we marched inside the halls a few times. Eventually, the rooms of known Chhatra League goons were attacked, and Zahurul Haque Hall became the first to be declared Chhatra League–free. We stood guard the whole night.

Chhatra League exploded cocktails twice at the hall gate. But by dawn, things changed. From around 5 am, many students began leaving the dorms for home. We couldn’t stop them. Later, we joined the teachers’ morning program.

At noon, the absentee funeral prayer was held. But there were very few students at VC Chattar, Mal Chattar, or Bot Tola.  Members of law enforcement agencies had been deployed. We heard the VC was planning to leave campus.
 
We gathered in front of the VC’s residence. After the teachers’ program ended, I informed Samina Luthfa ma'am and Gitiara ma'am of our concerns. They stood with us.

 When we went to meet the Vice Chancellor, we were told he wasn’t at home.

The events after that are well-known. As soon as the absentee funeral prayer ended, police began firing tear gas and sound grenades relentlessly. At one point, around 150 of us took shelter inside Bijoy 71 Hall. I met Nahid bhai at the gate and urged him: “Announce a hartal (strike) for tomorrow. Even if we can’t enforce it, the people will.”

He asked if any TV media were around. But none were. Once things calmed slightly, we left campus through the Mukti Turon gate via Surja Sen Hall and Mohsin Hall, with the help of journalists.

BSS: When did the common people start participating in the movement? Was that the point when it became explicitly anti-government?

Jabir Ahmed Jubel: Until July 17, the movement was centered around Dhaka University. After students were evicted from DU, the nature of the movement changed. DU’s events were coordination-heavy but plagued by mismanagement. Each day, students grew more frustrated with the coordinators.

But after the police attacked on DU students, people across the country especially from July 18 onward took to the streets. The movement gained momentum and escalated into a broader pro-democracy uprising. The movement saw participation from various sectors of society, including students, teachers, media personnel, and even the diaspora. Thus, the quota reform movement evolved into a nationwide anti-government uprising.

BSS: What was the role of female students in the movement?

Jabir Ahmed Jubel:In the July uprising, women emerged in an extraordinary form. At every stage, their active presence propelled the movement toward a mass revolt. Defying social, political, and cultural constraints, they stood at the frontlines. From breaking the dorm locks and coming out at night on July 14, to organizing rallies, distributing leaflets, and even defying curfews, they were everywhere, forming the backbone of the movement.

Their courageous participation gave the movement a whole new dimension. Not only did their presence strengthen the movement numerically, but in terms of strategy and leadership as well. Students, young women, working women, all joined together to form a united front of resistance. That’s why the movement also became a protest against broader social injustices and discrimination.

Their role became a barricade of defiance against fascism and inspired democratic forces across the country with renewed energy.

BSS: How would you assess the role of campus journalists during the movement?
Jabir Ahmed Jubel: Campus journalists at Dhaka University played a dual role in this movement. On one hand, they were committed reporters; on the other hand, they were active participants. They provided vital information such as Chhatra League’s positions and which roads were dangerous and helped the movement tactically.

We saw similar contributions from photojournalists covering the university area. The active engagement of campus journalists greatly helped intensify the momentum of the movement.

BSS: When people were dying in large numbers every day, what was your mental state like? Did you witness any deaths firsthand? Were you afraid?

Jabir Ahmed Jubel: After July 14, we went through so much that fear or panic no longer affected us while on the streets or during protests. But when I had to find a place to stay at night, a quiet fear of being caught always lingered.

After leaving DU on July 17, I decided to take an organized position between Science Lab and Jigatola to enforce the hartal (strike).

 From our past experiences in the 2018 quota reform and safe roads movements, we knew this area was extremely dangerous. Still, holding our ground there was essential to keep the movement alive.

On July 18 at 10am, we started gathering near the Yellow showroom in Science Lab. Seeing scattered people in alleyways, I quickly realized they too were part of the movement. We strengthened our internal communication. When the group reached 100–150 people, we started a procession. It grew rapidly. 

Students from Noor Mohammad, Dhaka College, and Rouf College joined us. From noon, we had multiple clashes with police. Eventually, we were dispersed, but regrouped on the other side of Mirpur Road in an alley near Ideal College -- this time with thousands.

The clashes continued until evening with both the police and Chhatra League. Many protesters were injured; some were hit by rubber bullets. Gonoshasthaya Kendra and Labaid came forward with medical support. After sunset, we reviewed the day’s actions at the Bibartan cultural center near Banglamotor.

The next day, before Friday prayers, we split into small two-person groups and spread out across tea stalls in the alleys of Labaid and Science Lab. After prayers, we hit the streets again -- collecting stones and breaking steel rods from the road divider to prepare for defense. But something felt off.

 The area where fierce clashes had occurred the day before was now devoid of police. An hour or so later, we heard the sound of a helicopter. We thought maybe the government was observing from above. So everyone continued chanting slogans fearlessly.

But within seconds, tear gas and sound grenades began raining down from the helicopter. Our stones and steel rods were of no use. After a while, the helicopter disappeared.

 Then, from an unseen location, we started hearing gunshots. Most people took shelter in nearby markets. We were in the basement of Happy Orchid Market.

With us was a young teenager -- maybe 15 or 16 -- likely a street child. He casually said, “Arey, there’s nothing—just noise,” and walked out to the middle of the road. A minute later, a few of us followed. Immediately, a gunshot rang out. The boy, standing just a few steps ahead of us, collapsed. He had been shot through the forehead. He died right there.

That’s when we realized that armed forces were stationed on the rooftops of nearby buildings and were shooting down at protesters. The entire Science Lab area had become a death trap for demonstrators. We returned to the market basement entrance.

And then, we came face-to-face with the heart-wrenching screams of that martyred boy’s mother. She kept fainting repeatedly. Iqra Shahidi, a medical student from National Medical College, administered first aid. Her cries still ring in my ears.

After police patrols thinned out, we took shelter in a nearby house in the alley. Later we learned that journalist Tahir Zaman Priyo had also been martyred in front of Labaid.

BSS: How did you manage things during the curfew and mass arrests? What was that experience like?

Jabir Ahmed Jubel: On the night of July 19, the government imposed a curfew. There was no internet. Our organizational leaders and activists took shelter in various locations. I instructed everyone not to come out on the streets on July 20. We had witnessed the horror of the previous day firsthand. It was crucial to observe and assess the situation during the first day of the curfew.

From July 20 to 23, we couldn’t do anything visible. But we remained active through various statements in the media supporting the movement.

On July 24, leaders of left-wing student organizations were able to meet. We discussed potential street actions. At the same time, we learned that 31 protest-oriented cultural and social organizations (now part of the Democratic Cultural Alliance) were planning a protest march from the Press Club to Shaheed Minar on July 26, defying the curfew.

On the 26th, their musical protest march attracted a wide range of people from different walks of life. Though police blocked the march from reaching Shaheed Minar, it played a vital role in breaking the silence of the curfew.

The next day, leftist women comrades held a march. On the same day, our labor leaders also held processions in the Paltan and Press Club areas.

On July 28, the Democratic Student Alliance held a protest at the Press Club demanding Hasina’s resignation. Police again attacked us.

That night, under the banner of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, we announced a program for July 29. But no one could implement it. One of our co-coordinators was arrested at the Press Club early in the morning. News of heavy police deployment spread, and ordinary students couldn't reach the site.

We feared that if the day’s program went entirely unobserved, it would demoralize everyone. So, we decided to hold a brief symbolic gathering nearby and spread it via social media. Around noon, with a group of 60–70 people, we held a protest in front of the Dhaka Reporters’ Unity in Segunbagicha. We finished within 30 minutes and left safely.

On July 30, again, the cultural and social organizations organized a protest march from the iconic Noor Hossain Square -- symbol of the 1990 people’s uprising -- towards Bahadur Shah Park, a symbol of anti-colonial resistance. This program drew the largest crowd in recent days.

To suppress it, the government deployed a massive police presence. The procession was obstructed, and there were physical altercations with protesters. Eventually, we staged a sit-in at Zero Point until evening.

BSS: You led the Droha Jatra (Rebellion March) on August 2. Could you tell us about the initiative and what unfolded that day?

Jabir Ahmed Jubel: As curfew was imposed by the government, organizing any large-scale protest had become nearly impossible. Even under the banner of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, there were hardly any strong or unified programs.

 Yet, to ensure the success of the uprising, it was crucial to stage a large, decisive event -- one that would mark the beginning of the end of the autocratic regime.

 With this in mind, the Democratic Student Alliance, progressive cultural groups, university teacher networks, and other pro-democracy forces came together to announce the Droha Jatra, a rebellion march from the Press Club to the Shaheed Minar.

From the afternoon of August 2, crowds of students and ordinary citizens began to gather in front of the Press Club.

 Though the call for the event came from left-leaning and progressive groups, people from nearly every political perspective joined in. For the first time since July 17, the student body and general public succeeded in reentering the Dhaka University campus in a march.

 Chhatra League and Awami League supporters had to retreat from Shahbagh, and students forcibly entered locked university halls. It felt as if Dhaka University had finally been liberated.

Symbols and banners of the Chhatra League were torn down from the campus, and protest slogans were spray-painted across walls. From the Shaheed Minar, we issued a bold declaration: the fascist government must resign by August 4, bearing full responsibility for the killing of thousands of students and citizens. 

From that evening, Facebook began to flood with posters and photos calling for a single-point demand -- Hasina’s resignation. That very night, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement announced a gathering at the Shaheed Minar for August 3.

 From that gathering, through a speech by Nahid Islam, the one-point demand was formally declared.

BSS: What do you think were the most important events that helped push the uprising forward?

Jabir Ahmed Jubel: While there were many significant incidents, large and small, that shaped the course of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, I believe three events were particularly crucial in transforming it into a full-fledged mass uprising.

The first major breakthrough occurred on July 17. After Dhaka University was shut down, students from private universities and residents from areas like Jatrabari, Mohammadpur, and Savar–Ashulia rose up and fought back with incredible courage, even in the face of violent crackdowns.

 That resistance created the mass character of the movement.

 Had they not held their ground in the days following July 17, the movement might have died out prematurely.

The second turning point came on July 26, during the ongoing curfew. Cultural workers organized a musical protest march that defied the state-imposed silence. That act of defiance gave the middle class in Dhaka the strength to re-engage, to speak, and to take to the streets again.

The third and perhaps most dramatic breakthrough was the Droha Jatra on August 2. For the first time after the curfew, thousands of students and common people marched together in unison.

 Protesters reclaimed the Dhaka University campus, and the outpouring of people at the Shaheed Minar provided the leadership with the clarity and momentum to announce the one-point demand the following day.

BSS: What do you think would have happened had the movement failed?

Jabir Ahmed Jubel: If the movement had failed, the consequences for democracy and politics in Bangladesh would have been catastrophic. Hundreds of leaders and activists from opposition student and political organizations would likely have been killed. Thousands of ordinary students and protesters would have faced imprisonment, disappearances, and brutal state violence. Teachers, intellectuals, 

and civil society figures who supported the movement would have been arrested and tortured.

Most dangerously, the Hasina regime would have used the failure as a justification to cement long-term authoritarian rule, wiping out all political dissent. 

We were fully aware that there was no turning back. Even if it cost us our lives, making the uprising succeed was our only goal.

BSS: Do you think a new political structure or system is needed after the uprising? 

If so, what should it look like?

Jabir Ahmed Jubel: In the past, fascist Sheikh Hasina systematically dismantled all democratic institutions and constructed an authoritarian system. She destroyed the judiciary, independent media, and every other pillar of state accountability. We hoped that through this uprising, a new kind of state would emerge -- one founded on democratic governance, built by the people, for the people. We envision a future free from murder, enforced disappearances, and the politics of occupation.