By Mohammad Nuruzzaman 

KHULNA, July 22, 2025 (BSS) - The entire country was raging in mass uprisings against the authoritarian Awami League regime. What began as a quota reform movement was evolved into a one-point demand for the fall of dictatorship, ushering in the birth of a new Bangladesh.

The July uprising was intensified through struggle and sacrifice of students and people in the country. Khulna University students also took to the streets, risking their lives to join the movement. Md Ahad Hossain (Ayman Ahad), a master's student in the English discipline at Khulna University was among the key student organizers and front-line leaders of the time.

Hailing from Baliatali Shafipur village in Muladi upazila of Barisal, Ayman is the son of the late Alomgir Miah. A residential student of Khan Jahan Ali Hall, he served as the spokesperson of the anti-discrimination student movement in Khulna city.

In a recent interview with BSS, Ayman shared harrowing memories and reflections on the July uprising.

BSS: A year has passed since the July Uprising, do those memories still feel vivid to you?

Ayman Ahad: Absolutely. The memories of July uprising are still fresh. They flash before my eyes every moment. What I remember most intensely is the night of July 30, when we were taken to the Circuit House. It was terrifying.

There, although we were not physically assaulted, we were subjected to a barrage of abusive language, threats and intimidation from the police and Awami League leaders, forcing us to announce a halt to the movement. That night haunts me the most.

How did the quota reform movement begin at Khulna University?

Ayman Ahad: It began on July 4. After class, we were sitting at the university cafeteria as usual as we heard the news that the court had upheld the quota system.

We soon found out that protests had already started at Dhaka University and elsewhere. We immediately decided to take to the streets against the restoration of quota system. That's how the movement began in Khulna.

Did you anticipate the movement would turn into a struggle to topple the regime?

Ayman Ahad: No. At the start, our only demand was the abolition of the quota system. There was no talk of regime change. But when we saw Abu Sayed sacrificed his life embracing bullets and then when Mugdho Bhai, a former student of Khulna University, died on July 18, it changed everything. We became determined there was no turning back. Either we die, or we free the country.

The realization hit hard, especially as students kept dying one after another from police bullets. At that point, it became clear that without bringing down the fascist regime, we would not return home.

How was the student participation from Khulna University?

Ayman Ahad: From the very beginning, participation was spontaneous. Students from all levels, first-year to master's joined us along with students from nearby colleges and schools. We had two to three thousand students participating directly in the protests.

How did the peaceful quota reform movement turn violent on your campus?

Ayman Ahad: It began on July 30. We were stationed near 'Shibbari' intersection when the Detective Branch's DC, Nuruzzaman, told us we weren't allowed to protest there. When a few junior students stepped forward, they were manhandled. Even Helal Bhai and Shahriar Bhai were attacked. When I stepped forward, he grabbed me by the collar and shoved me.

Later, they shut down the university halls and forcibly evicted us. As police brutality escalated, we started breaking hall locks and continuing our programs in defiance.

On July 31, when we held a protest at 'Saat Rasta' intersection, police attacked with batons, tear gas and rubber bullets. The violence intensified on August 2 as police again assaulted on our program. That's how a peaceful protest turned violent.

How did BCL attacks and threats affect the general students?

Ayman Ahad: It had a big impact. I still remember July 16 clearly. That night, we received threatening calls saying Chhatra League would attack us. We couldn't sleep.

This continued until August 5. Every night we were gripped by fear. Even the administration warned us we might be attacked. Understandably, many students initially became hesitant.

But eventually, they responded to our call with enthusiasm especially after Mugdho Bhai's death. As he was a student of Khulna University, his death triggered emotional outrage across campus.

How did female students participate in the movement?

Ayman Ahad: Their participation was strong until July 18. But once the halls were closed, many from distant areas had nowhere to stay, so their participation decreased. 

However, many girls from local schools, colleges and National University continued to join spontaneously.

How did the protest continue after the initial wave in July?

Ayman Ahad: On July 4, we decided to launch protests. On July 7, we held our first human chain. Then we marched from July 8 to 9 at Zero Point. On July 16, we blocked Sachibuniya intersection. Then we submitted a memorandum to the DC, probably around July 16 or 17.

From July 18, we also visited the divisional office to press our demands. But after the halls were closed on the July 18, many students left. A small group of us, the front-liners, stayed in friends' homes.

We continued our programmes at Shibbari up to July 26. As symbolic protest, we covered the face of the 'Odommo Bangla' sculpture with black cloth. A magistrate then ordered us not to step outside, threatening us to shoot.

On July 30, law enforcers called us, and we were taken to the Circuit House. There, we were abused and threatened for halting the movement.

On July 31, we held a protest at Saat Rasta area, where 62 students were arrested. Police baton-charged us, fired tear gas and rubber bullets, injuring around 50-70 students.

On August 2, police again fired on students at the university gate. Many were injured. Finally, on August 4, Khulna was freed.

What was the role of the university teachers?

Ayman Ahad: Many teachers played a supportive role. Vice Chancellor Dr. Rezaul Karim, DSA Nazmus Sadat Shubho Sir, Hasan Mahmud Saki Si, and Abul Bashar Nahid Sir, among others, stood by us.

On July 30, when we were detained, teachers came to the police station. Some even sheltered us. Around 20-50 teachers supported us.

What about pro-Awami League teachers?

Ayman Ahad: Their role was disgraceful. They issued statements opposing the movement. Even after Mugdho Bhai died, we weren't allowed to properly conduct his funeral prayer. The imam of the central mosque was intimidated.

They forced students out of halls and threatened us. Their actions were shameful.

How did campus journalists respond during the movement?

Ayman Ahad: The role of journalists was largely positive. They played a major role. Most campus reporters tried their best and didn't oppose us. Their contributions helped us achieve a successful uprising.

How was the role of university administration and law enforcement?

Ayman Ahad: Their role was appalling. I still protest it. They didn't allow the funeral prayer of a student killed by state bullets. They forcibly evicted students from halls by threatening them with guns. This kind of administration can never be good.

Our university authorities were subservient to the regime, suppressing students shamelessly.

How did you manage to blockade major intersections in Khulna?

Ayman Ahad: We used to plan every night on how to make the programmes successful. We targeted key points in the city to draw media and administrative attention. So the whole country would know that Khulna too was rising.

Once, while riding on an auto-rickshaw with a flag tied to my head, a stranger said, "Are you going to protest? I'll donate 2,000 bottles of water." That's the kind of public support we had.

Teachers also helped financially. We collected donations for microphones and banners. Sometimes we deceived police to reach protest sites. Many were arrested or attacked on the way.

Did you face direct clashes with local Awami League or its wings?

Ayman Ahad: Not directly. But on July 31, while we were protesting at Saat Rasta, a Jubo League procession from 'Moylapota' area came toward us. Before they could reach, police attacked and dispersed us. That's why Jubo League couldn't carry out their attack.

What kinds of threats did you personally receive?

Ayman Ahad: First, I was told I'd never get a job. Second, that I'd be disappeared if the regime didn't fall. Third, they had my family's information, so I was under pressure.

They threatened I'd be imprisoned for life, that I wouldn't be able to study. These came from government offices, law enforcers and unknown numbers. But all threats came via phone, not face-to-face.

What steps were taken for the July martyrs and injured?

Ayman Ahad: We had limited capacity to act. Those efforts were made centrally from Dhaka. In Khulna, thankfully, no one was martyred. But many were injured. One student, Safin, lost his eye. We requested assistance for his treatment.

The family of Sakib Raihan, a student from Khulna martyred in Dhaka, received some government aid. But many are still suffering without proper medical care.

Has the dream of the uprising been realized at university and state level?

Ayman Ahad: Not really. Though we now have Dr. Muhammad Yunus as the Chief Advisor, and some good people in the advisory panel, I don't see real change in education yet.
But, yes, political corruption has reduced, foreign debts have been repaid, no new pro-India deals have been signed and relations with China and Pakistan have improved. The world is viewing Bangladesh differently now.

What are your expectations in the new post-dictatorship Bangladesh?

Ayman Ahad: I want to see a society where no one can ever become a dictator again. I want educated people to join politics. I want no more see MPs like Momtaz, or ganglords like Haji Selim, or godfathers like Shamim Osman.

I want positive politics that serves the people and the nation. I want Bangladesh to progress in education and research, to keep pace with the developed world.