By Obaidur Rahman

DHAKA, July 25, 2025 (BSS) - The July Uprising liberated the country from the Awami League's authoritarian rule, culminating in the ouster of Sheikh Hasina's fascist regime on August 5, 2024.
Md. Tariqul Islam Tarique, joint general secretary of the central committee of Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD), was one of the front-liners during the student-led uprising.

He believes the July Uprising was a mass resistance involving people from all walks of life, regardless of their views or classes, against Hasina's misuse of state machinery, looting of the country's resources, enforced disappearances, killings, torture, deprivation of voting rights, repression, and political occupation for over one and a half decades.

Hailing from Pakshia village under Sharsha police station in Jessore district, Tariqul Islam is the youngest among seven children of Abdul Rahim and Fulmati Begum.
He completed his SSC from Pakshia Secondary School and HSC from Jessore Cantonment College. Later, he studied Social Welfare and Research at the University of Dhaka.

Tarique's political activism began after he stepped into the country's premier university in 2012. Since then, he has come under several attacks and faced physical abuse and imprisonment for his anti-AL activism.
From the outset, he was actively involved at every stage of the quota reform movement, defying obstacles enforced by Hasina's loyal state agencies.

In an exclusive interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Tariqul Islam recalled memories of the July Uprising.

BSS: When and how did you get involved in the July Uprising?

Tariqul Islam Tarique: Following a court verdict reinstating quotas in government jobs, a movement started on the Dhaka University campus on June 5, 2024. I was active online in that movement from the beginning and waited for organizational decisions.

Later, from July 2, instead of waiting for organizational instructions, I directly joined the movement out of a moral sense and responsibility towards ordinary students. I joined the sit-in program along with some of my fellow fighters, including job seekers and general students, at the Shahbagh intersection under the banner of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement.

BSS: How did the Dhaka University administration respond to the students' movement?

Tariqul Islam Tarique: Dhaka University has been a breeding ground for democratic movements at all critical junctures of the country's history. Those associated with nationalist politics could never enjoy a congenial democratic environment on any campus, not even at DU.

Even if we sat down for tea, we were obstructed in every possible way - politically or administratively. We regularly faced such situations on the Dhaka University campus, which was never in our favor.

BSS: All anti-fascist organizations united and protested shoulder to shoulder during the July Uprising. How do you see this unity?

Tariqul Islam Tarique: It is natural that progressive political organizations participated in the movement out of ethical commitment and a sense of responsibility toward general students.
From that perspective, JCD has always stood by ordinary students, and we actively took part in this movement.

BSS: How did the ongoing quota reform movement turn into a movement to overthrow the government?

Tariqul Islam Tarique: The then government was essentially fascist - ruling the country with absolute authority while ignoring the will of the people. Years of such authoritarian rule had left the public, especially students, in a suffocating state. The quota reform movement emerged as a path to break the oppression.

The movement clearly took an anti-government turn on July 14, when Sheikh Hasina addressed the protesting students and said, "Should the quotas go to the grandchildren of freedom fighters or the grandchildren of Razakars?"

BSS: What challenges did you face during the movement to bring down the government, and how did Chhatra Dal handle them?

Tariqul Islam Tarique: Chhatra Dal faced every challenge head-on with determination. In the past, many of our comrades were forcibly disappeared, killed, or subjected to inhuman torture while protesting on the streets. Those experiences made us resilient and always prepared.
It wasn't just about the 36 days of the quota movement; we've been fighting against repression for the past 17 years.

In 2024, when a nationwide student uprising against discrimination began, we moved strategically from day one. Internally, we had a clear plan: to transform this movement into a one-point demand - bringing down the regime. Our strategy was to stand firmly beside the general students, accelerate the movement from within, and gradually steer it toward that singular goal.

BSS: How did you respond when students came under attack in the DU area on July 15?
Tariqul Islam Tarique: On July 15, my fellow activists and I were stationed in front of the Raju sculpture from the morning. Around noon, Chhatra League's armed cadres launched an attack in the VC Chattar area, including around Bijoy Ekattor Hall. We were right there when it happened. Even female students were assaulted during the attack. Four to five of our comrades were injured that day.

Chhatra Dal was fully prepared near the Shaheed Minar area to resist Chhatra League, awaiting only a formal declaration of leadership from the anti-discrimination movement. Perhaps due to strategic reasons, no direct instructions for retaliation came that day.

However, there is clear evidence both on social media and in video footage that an active group from Dhaka University Chhatra Dal was present during the clash at Shahidullah Hall and took part in resisting Chhatra League's attackers.

BSS: What did you do differently from others during the movement?

Tariqul Islam Tarique: One of the toughest aspects of the movement was ensuring financial support. From communication to travel, medical emergencies, and other logistical needs-everything required funding. Rakibul Islam Rakib, President of the Chhatra Dal Central Committee, helped us with this.

I still remember one chilling moment: while trying to send money through a bKash shop, I was suddenly chased by police. It felt like someone had tipped them off. Even now, thinking about that moment sends shivers down my spine.

BSS: What decisions do you think played a key role in the success of the movement?

Tariqul Islam Tarique: From the very beginning, BNP's Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman, guided the movement closely. On July 17, when all campuses, including DU, were shut down, there was a real fear that the movement might lose momentum.

In that critical moment, our leader Tarique Rahman gave us firm instructions to stay fully active on the ground. His decisive leadership and timely directives helped us regroup and move the movement forward with renewed strength.

It's also important to acknowledge the full involvement of BNP's associate and affiliate bodies during that period. And we cannot ignore the contribution of students from private universities. They were on the streets too, and their presence helped amplify the movement.

BSS: During the movement, when hundreds were dying daily, you must have witnessed death up close. What was your mental state at that time? Did fear or panic ever grip you?

Tariqul Islam Tarique: The full-scale brutality of the Awami fascist regime's forces against students began on July 19. I was in the Nilkhet area that day, actively participating in the protest. On July 20, in the evening at Nilkhet, bullets suddenly rained down from a helicopter. Right before my eyes, a bullet entered a fellow protester's head from one side and exited through the other, taking part of his brain with it. I still have the shell casing from that bullet-it remains with me as a silent witness.

But the most horrifying day was August 4. Around 10am, I reached Shahbagh. That day, Awami League unleashed its armed wings-Chhatra League and Jubo League-at full force. The amount of illegal weapons they carried was beyond imagination. Initially, we moved from Shahbagh to Paribagh. As Chhatra League advanced toward us, trying to break our formation, we resisted, and they were forced to retreat.

We then took control of Bangla Motor. They drove us out, and then we reclaimed it again. This back-and-forth control continued for about three and a half hours. Eventually, they retreated toward Karwan Bazar. As we advanced from there, a new wave of violence erupted. Police initially pulled back, and then began firing rubber bullets, sound grenades, and blank rounds.

At that moment, we were advancing with the thought of marching on Gono Bhaban. As we reached near Tejgaon Girls' High School, lethal fire rained down on us from the Farmgate overbridge. I saw bodies fall one after another. I was stunned-there were five or six lifeless bodies lying together.

I never imagined such cruelty. I couldn't even gather the courage to lift those bodies. I was very close. Maybe it was divine will that spared me. That's probably why I'm still alive today.
July 20 and August 4 were the two most traumatic days of my life. Those memories still haunt me. Sometimes they return as nightmares, and I break down in tears.

BSS: You actively participated from July 2 until the victory. Could you share your experience throughout the different phases of the movement?
Tariqul Islam Tarique: From the very beginning of the movement, I got involved through a one-hour sit-in at Shahbagh on July 2. I participated in the "Bangla Blockade" programs on July 7 and 8, standing shoulder to shoulder with my fellow activists.

On July 15, the University of Dhaka turned into a battlefield. Chhatra League and hired thugs launched sudden attacks on students, even targeting female activists.

On July 16, Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal publicly extended moral support to the student movement through a press conference. That day, we led a massive protest march. The same day, Abu Sayeed was killed. Upon hearing the news, central leadership directed us to regroup and continue the protest. My comrades and I took position at the Shaheed Minar, preparing for resistance against potential attacks.

On July 17, I attended the gayebana janaza (funeral in absentia) at Baitul Mukarram. Later, I tried to join another janaza at Dhaka University but was blocked by police-even after identifying myself as a student. I eventually reached the VC Chattar through Salimullah Muslim Hall and the British Council.

On July 18, during the "Complete Shutdown", we held a rally in Kakrail under the banner of Chhatra Dal. We kept the momentum alive with constant slogans.

On July 19 and 20, we were active in Nilkhet during the protest and crackdown.

On July 30, following the guidance of our organizational guardian Tarique Rahman, and the central leadership, we turned our Facebook profiles red-a symbolic act of mourning and protest against state brutality.
On July 31, we observed the March for Justice programme. I joined teachers from Dhaka University on a march toward the High Court. We were blocked near the Mazar gate, and several were arrested. We stood firm demanding their release. Once the teachers were freed, we retreated on their advice.

The main message of this program was to demand justice for the mass killings and repression inflicted on students across the country. It was a collective protest, an outcry where every individual expressed their grief and defiance.

On August 1, we held the "Remembering Our Heroes" event at the Shaheed Minar to honor the martyrs. I went there alone to pay my respects. None of my comrades were with me that day.

August 2 was extremely difficult. It was a Friday, and special preparations were required. I was in the Science Lab area. After Jummah prayers, we planned a public prayer and protest march. But the area was already filled with police and security forces, creating a war-like atmosphere.

It felt like we wouldn't be able to proceed. Still, we consulted and decided not to back down. With courage, we held our planned prayer and rally. Later, another group also held their program at the same location.
On August 3, from early morning, we began gathering at the Dhaka Medical College Hospital emergency ward. Eventually, 30-40 Chhatra Dal activists assembled. Suddenly, local Awami League, Chhatra League, and Jubo League members launched a surprise attack on us.

In self-defence, we fought back and later marched to the Shaheed Minar, arriving between 11:45am and noon. We joined the ongoing program there and continued until evening.

BSS: Tell us about the events of August 5, leading up to the victory.

Tariqul Islam Tarique: August 5 was the day of the "March to Dhaka". Our organizational directive was to gather near the Shaheed Minar at Dhaka University. I reached there around 9:30am, but the police had already taken position and didn't allow us to stand there. Almost immediately, they began baton charges, fired rubber bullets, blank rounds, and sound grenades. We were dispersed, and many were injured or arrested on the spot.
I moved toward the Palashi Bazar area. Near a utility pole beside Salimullah Muslim Hall, a group of 8-10 of us took position. Although an army patrol initially tried to stop us, we soon realized they were sympathetic. From the Azimpur bus stand, police attempted to advance. Meanwhile, our numbers started to grow. Once we reached around 40-50 people, we decided to head toward Shahbagh.

At around 11am, we broke Section 144 and started marching. The line of people kept getting longer. We moved from the main gate of Salimullah Hall, past Fuller Road, the British Council, Arts Building, Raju Sculpture, Central Mosque, Kazi Nazrul's Mausoleum, and finally toward Charukola (Faculty of Fine Arts).

As we reached near Charukola, law enforcement tried to stop us again. We said, "Even if you shoot us, we'll keep going. Because this life doesn't mean much to us anymore." I stretched out my arms and moved forward, joined by 15-20 others. Near Shahbagh police station, police again tried to block us. I raised the stick I was holding and charged. Others followed. Eventually, the police apologized with folded hands and stepped back. The army also requested us to lay down our sticks.

Between 11:30am and 11:45am, we took control of Shahbagh. The area was under our command.

We greeted the army personnel with flowers. Then we heard from journalists that fascist Hasina had fled. At that very moment, I broke down in tears-overcome with a mix of joy and relief.

BSS: It was said that if the one-point movement had failed, the country might have descended into civil war. How do you view that possibility?

Tariqul Islam Tarique: Personally, I don't believe civil war was likely. We, the frontliners, have been part of this struggle for the past 17 years. If the movement had failed, the crackdown would've only intensified against BNP and its affiliates. The regime would have launched full-scale operations against us, not the general population.

BSS: During the internet blackout, how did you manage communication?
Tariqul Islam Tarique: Communication was extremely difficult during the internet shutdown. As opposition activists, we usually relied on secure apps like WhatsApp and Telegram.

But when the internet was fully cut off, we had no choice but to switch to regular mobile numbers. Even in that situation, I received 3-4 calls a day from Dr. Farhad Halim Donar, Executive Director of the Ziaur Rahman Foundation, and Rakibul Islam Rakib, President of Chhatra Dal. They gave me clear instructions on what needed to be done on the ground, and I executed them accordingly.

BSS: Since you were personally active in anti-government politics, did your family face any harassment during the July Uprising?
Tariqul Islam Tarique: Yes, that's been a reality. Whenever I've been active on the streets, local Awami League leaders have harassed my family in various ways. However, since my brothers work in the civil administration, we've had a slight layer of protection.

Even then, they weren't spared. They were denied good postings, their promotions were blocked, and in many cases, they were transferred every 10-15 days. These were clearly politically motivated acts of administrative harassment.