By Poliar Wahid  

DHAKA, July 18, 2025 (BSS) - The July mass uprising-2024 marked a critical juncture in Bangladesh’s political history as the student-led mass uprising ousted autocratic ruler Sheikh Hasina ending her nearly 16-year rule.   

Amid this countrywide movement, voices emerged from diverse segments of society—secular and religious, urban and rural—protesting in unison for justice, democracy, and reform. 

Among the more underrepresented yet pivotal groups were students from Qawmi madrasas, whose participation and sacrifices in the uprising remained largely undocumented in the mainstream narrative.

In this special interview as part of BSS’s feature series “July Awakening,” we speak to one such leader: Maulana Ashraf Mahdi, Presidium Member of Tarun Alem Projonmo 24 (Young Islamic Scholars Generation 24) and Joint Convener of the General Alem Society. 

Born on May 22, 1993, in Dhaka's Mohammadpur, Ashraf Mahdi is an alumnus of Jamia Qurania Arabia Lalbagh and holds postgraduate degrees from Islamic University Kushtia and Al-Azhar University in Cairo. Following the political vacuum left in the aftermath of the July movement, he has taken on a leadership role as Joint Convener of the newly formed political party National Citizen Party (NCP). 

In this Interview, Mahdi recounts not just the harrowing brutality faced by madrasa students—both male and female—but also the personal costs, the collective sacrifices, and the resilient hope that continue to drive the movement forward. From his firsthand memories of seeing a child martyr fall beside him, to the stories of women madrasa students providing aid while facing state retaliation, Mahdi offers a striking portrait of defiance, faith, and the vision for a new Bangladesh. Here is the full interview… 

BSS: Almost a year has passed since the July mass uprising. How vividly do you remember that turbulent time?

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi: The memories of those tumultuous July days remain very fresh. Every time the bloody scenes from the streets pop up again in my newsfeed, I feel like I’ve been transported right back to those moments.

Under the banner of the General Alem Society, we Madrasa students declared solidarity with the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. On that day, the Awami League government was preparing for an armed attack from early morning in front of Donia College. To make the programme successful, we had to stop a few hundred yards away. But soon after, a coordinated attack by police and Awami goons scattered us. Over a hundred Madrasa students from Jatrabari were injured that day. More than fifty people were martyred just at that one spot.

Most days of the movement, I was stationed at the Mohammadpur Bus Stand, specifically at the Tri-Road Intersection. That’s where I saw 12-year-old Rakib get shot in the head. I witnessed death up close that July. Even now, it feels like I’m living on borrowed time. Maybe Allah spared us to fulfill the revolution’s purpose.

BSS: What was your organization’s role in the quota reform movement?

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi: Back in 2018, when the quota reform movement began, there was no organizational opportunity for madrasa students to participate. However, at a personal level, many of us actively supported the movement through writings on social media. I wrote in favor of Nurul Haque Nur and even used his photo as my Facebook profile picture—which led to questioning by the Detective Branch (DB). Because of my critical posts about the government, I was arrested and forcibly disappeared in 2020. After being released, I was summoned again to the DB office, interrogated, and threatened. For months, my passport, mobile phone, and laptop were confiscated without cause.

During the 2024 mass uprising, Madrasa students were involved from the very beginning. Especially on July 16, when six people were killed on Sheikh Hasina’s orders and the Dhaka University campus was soaked in blood—students from Jatrabari Madrasa took control of the Jatrabari area from 6 am the next morning. Alongside students from Donia College, they occupied the Dhaka–Chattogram highway. Initially, we joined as general students; many even changed their clothes to avoid being labeled in a way that would justify repression. Later, madrasa students joined under banners such as Chhatra Jamiat, Chhatra Majlis, Sadharan Alem Somaj, and the Anti-Discrimination Qawmi Student Movement.

BSS: Can you share a memory of the July uprising that you haven’t shared with anyone before?

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi: From the beginning of August,  I was in touch with leaders of BNP. The joint efforts of madrasa students and Chhatra Dal in Jatrabari helped establish strong resistance there.  

I talked to Maulana Ridwan Hasan Bhai, a teacher at Jatrabari Madrasa and the convener of the general Alem community. He arranged for them to be received and brought to the madrasa. I also posted a series of directives on Facebook. I drew from the experience I had gained from our leaders during the 2013 Shapla Chattar movement. I began sharing all the instructions I could recall from that time.

I called on madrasas to open their doors to incoming protesters. The posts went viral. Madrasas at Dhaka’s entry points, including Jatrabari, began preparing for hospitality. It felt like we were being given another historic opportunity—like Shapla Chattar once again.

I instructed everyone to take positions in nearby madrasas and mosques before Fajr, and I myself left early in the morning with two small slips of paper—each bearing my name and identity—in both pockets, prepared for whatever might happen. That day on the streets, I met young people, full of passion and purpose, who had taken to the road for the dream of liberation, carrying the spirit of ‘Shahidi Tamanna’.

BSS:  On what date did you first participate directly in the protest?

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi:  I took part in my first rally on July 19. A large procession departed from Mohammadpur’s Allah Karim Mosque, marched to the Bus Stand, and occupied the Mohammadpur bus stand to Beribadh Tri-Road junction. Since my house was nearby, I joined from day one and remained regular at that spot. However, madrasa students had already begun joining the movement  from July 17. They occupied Jatrabari’s Shani Akhra and Kazla Road. On July 19, widespread protest rallies erupted nationwide condemning student killings—madrasa students led processions with mosque-goers. Here Student Jamiat, Student Majlis, and Bangladesh Qawmi Student Forum played defining roles.

BSS: Is there a specific memory of a martyr who died before your eyes?

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi: I can never forget that pain: the pair of tiny yellow sandals—a haunting image I’ve preserved in a photo. On the evening of July 19 in Mohammadpur, a 12-year-old martyr named Rakib took a bullet to the head. I saw the boy’s blood gushing endlessly from his head. A boy in a jersey rushed to hold him, but we couldn’t stop the bleeding. Together, we carried him to Al Manaar Hospital. Meanwhile, I was walking back across the street to the gathered students. Rakib was standing where the shot was never fired—no one knows where it came from. Blood streamed from his head, dripping onto the road. We couldn’t save him. Later, a human rights group reported that the explosion from a helicopter-deployed sound grenade had shattered Rakib’s skull. 

BSS:  As a July warrior, did you sense—before the declaration—that Hasina would flee?

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi: I felt with certainty on July 18 that Sheikh Hasina would fall. After the internet shutdown, spontaneous support from all society strata energized the student movement. Political, social, and religious factions expressed unwavering backing. Our confidence deepened as attempts to discredit the movement and its leadership failed. Hasina’s plans were collapsing one by one—from her crying performances about metro rail to claims of being descended from traitors—they all backfired in real time. Though she sat with student leaders, she received no response. In 2013 and 2021, I had witnessed up close her tactics of suppressing protest. In her 16-year rule, she had never failed so comprehensively—until now. But we too were past the no-return point. We were determined: we would oust her; there was no second option. I kept central coordination via Tuhin and Lutfur—there was no turning back from their plan of toppling the government.

BSS: On the morning of August 5 (36 July in their calendar), where did you protest? When did you hear Hasina fled, and how did you feel?

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi: That morning I joined the student crowd in front of Mohammadpur’s Allah Karim Mosque. I left home with two Chirkutt in my pocket. A military announcement was expected at 1PM addressed to the nation. After noon, I noticed an increase in army deployment. Around 1PM, an officer asked us to wait a bit longer. Soon, I sensed victory was near. Then we heard a chant from one group of demonstrators: “Run! She flees! Sheikh Hasina has fled!” Seeing this, after a long decade-long wait, was pure jubilation. I recorded the moment.

BSS: How did attacks by Chhatra League influence general students?

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi: On August 2 in Jatrabari, when we aligned under General Alem Society’s programme, we had no preparation to defend ourselves from Chhatra League attacks. Seeing weapons paraded at Donia College, we stepped back. I spent nearly the entire time from 19 July in Mohammadpur; madrasa students managed to form some resistance against Chhatra League there.

BSS: University female students were directly present in protests—why not female madrasa students?

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi:  Female madrasa students were more active online than on frontlines. They created public sentiment through revolutionary writing. Some, when possible, donned burqas and joined road protests. We’ve seen images with them participating. However, female madrasa students also suffered brutal actions by the Awami League. During the protest period, at least three women’s madrasas—including Jatrabari’s renowned Ashraful Uloom Shanatek Women’s Madrasa—were targeted. Students and teachers there supported the uprising by providing water and biscuits from the canteen. One evening over a hundred police surrounded the madrasa and arrested its founder, principal, and another teacher, threatening no one leave. Later that night, a teacher texted me that the vice-principal and another educator had been taken away.

Also, a female madrasa student named Rita Akter from Jatrabari was martyred. In the youth scholars’ “martyrs of the uprising” list, her name is listed first.

BSS: The participation of Qawmi madrasa students strengthened the movement—tell us about them.

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi: As you know, madrasa students don’t enjoy the same freedoms as general school/college students. So, although many wanted to join the protests from the beginning, they couldn’t. Because madrasa students remain under the tutelage of their mentors. But how long could they wait? Many madrasa students secretly joined the first protests in Jatrabari on July 17. Then, on 18 July, after Hefazat’s Amir issued a statement supporting the anti-discrimination student movement, Qawmi madrasa students and teachers spontaneously joined the movement. After Asr prayer, madrasa students from Hathazari Qawmi Madrasa in Chittagong held the largest rally. Likewise in Jatrabari, Mirpur, Uttara, Mohammadpur, Baridhara, Badda—and beyond Dhaka in Hathazari, Patiya, Lal Khan Bazaar of Chittagong; Jamia Yunusia in Brahmanbaria; Darul Uloom in Khulna—the madrasa students stood as a solid wall in July.

They marched with martyrdom aspiration. A stark example: Jatrabari’s martyr Hafez Khubaib—a descendant of the renowned silsila Uzani pir lineage—had told his mother the night before: “Amma, why didn’t you name me Khubaib? Amma, pray for me—may Allah accept me as a martyr.” The next day, on August 5 in front of the police station, he was shot dead by police. We saw Khubaib in a video clip wearing a white jubba before he fell.

 In suppressing the movement, the police massacred over a hundred madrasa students. Later we learned that in both 2013 and 2024—on Hasina’s orders—the state tried to quell the movement by firing indiscriminately on unarmed citizens like birds.

BSS: Did you face any threats during the protests?

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi:  I was very active online. My inbox and comment sections were full of threats. I didn’t care personally, but many family members worried for my life—they advised caution. We lived in constant fear. Every night we heard that someone had been taken off in the dark. I kept myself ready for arrest: I told my family that if someone knocked, record it with video in the dark.

BSS: What steps did you take for the injured and martyrs?

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi: After August 5, my fellow fighter Taha Mahmud and I began tallying names of madrasa scholars and students martyred in the uprising.

Within a week, the count surpassed fifty. Young Islamic Scholars Generation-24 was emerged—a platform for former madrasa student leaders to unite. We aimed to keep alive the July spirit, highlighting madrasa students’ contributions and aspirations. We released an initial list of 77 madrasa student martyrs. The list is still being updated; latest count stands at 92. On the day we published, we gave Tk 50,000 each to ten families. We also assisted by advocating for funds from the July Foundation and ensuring their names appear on government lists.

BSS:  How much of aspiration from the uprising have materialized?

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi:  After an uprising, public expectations become sky-high. When those aren’t met, potential for another occurs. In the past 10 months, nothing of that magnitude has happened in Bangladesh—indicating that people have regained at least some hope. But it’s also true that progress has been sluggish. There was expectation of a healthy university political environment post-uprising—but administration has been strangely silent. Leadership of the student movement helped our country rediscover freedom. Therefore, it’s essential to foster environments where student leadership can emerge and grow. Without concrete steps, the youth leadership cannot serve nation and people.

BSS: What are your expectations for the new Bangladesh in the post-authoritarian era?

Maulana Ashraf Mahdi: The journey of a new Bangladesh began on August 5. This has only been possible because we were able to rise above the politics of division and stand united. To build this new Bangladesh, we must again set aside all forms of divisiveness in the interest of the nation. That will only be possible when all stakeholders are given due importance from positions of responsibility.

At the same time, the institutions that collapsed under fascist rule must be rebuilt. When these institutions are strong, citizens will no longer be held hostage by whichever political party is in power. A balance of power must be established among the executive, legislative, and judiciary. Our hope for this new Bangladesh is the guarantee of citizenship rights for all communities—and the establishment of justice.