By Mahamudur Rahman Nazid

DHAKA, July 21, 2025 (BSS) - For Nirob Hasan Sujon, the July Uprising remains the most defining and harrowing chapter of his life. "Even now, I struggle to sleep at night. It still feels like I'm standing on that bloodstained road," he said in an interview with the Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), reflecting on the movement that shook a nation and brought down a regime.

Sujon, a student of Islamic History and Culture (Session 2018-19) of Govt. Titumir College, was a frontline organizer of the historic student-led uprising of July 2024. 

Hailing from Barovag village in Kishoreganj Sadar upazila, Sujon was known for his vocal opposition to the campus domination and political repression imposed by the ruling party's student wing during the previous autocratic regime. Despite facing repeated attacks, he never retreated from protest.

During the July uprising, Sujon played a key role in organizing students at Titumir College, often relying on offline coordination using button phones, and personal networks to mobilize action when internet services were blocked.

Even under personal and familial threats, Sujon did not back down. "Stepping away from the movement would have meant surrendering to injustice," he said. Today, his call to the next generation is clear: never allow fascism to rise again. 

Here is the full interview... 

BSS: One year has passed since the July movement. Do those events still come back to you?

Sujon: Absolutely. I believe that was the most significant and painful time of our lives. I saw the bloodied bodies of my comrades. Their cries still echo in my ears. Even now, I struggle to sleep. I feel as though I'm still standing on that bloodstained road. It still feels like the movement is ongoing. July taught us not to hesitate to lay down lives for this country.

How did the movement begin?

Sujon: On June 5, 2024, a court verdict nullified the 2018 circular on quota reforms. This sparked outrage among general students. We saw it not just as an administrative reversal but a betrayal. That's when our protest began.

Students from various colleges and universities joined. From Titumir College, we too became involved. On June 5, we stood at the base of the Raju sculpture and demanded the reinstatement of the 2018 circular and rational reform of the quota system.

Gradually, the movement gained massive momentum. People from all walks of life joined. Rickshaw pullers, CNG drivers, ordinary citizens supported our cause and helped us in different ways.

How did the quota reform protest turn into an anti-fascist movement?

Sujon: Initially, we had one clear demand - reinstating the reformed quota system. But the government started delaying. On June 9, we held our first united program at Nilkhet with seven colleges. Then, starting from July 6, we joined the "Bangla Blockade" movement with Titumir students. On July 8, we were instructed to block Farmgate.

When we arrived, Chhatra league activists from Tejgaon College and police attacked us. They tried to tear our banners and threatened to kill us. Several of us were injured in the scuffle. Our comrade Nawaz Khan's shirt was ripped. The police pounced on us, and we retreated to Shahbagh. When we informed Nahid Islam bhai, Rifat Rashid bhai, and Asif Mahmud bhai, they sent help from Surjasen Hall of Dhaka University.

Together, we re-blocked the Farmgate area. On July 10, we blocked the railway line, roads, and flyover at Mohakhali. It was our way of telling the fascist regime - if our just demands aren't met, we will escalate our movement.

Up until July 14, our programs were peaceful. But on July 15, the police and ruling party thugs attacked students at Dhaka University. The same things happened in Cumilla, Chattogram, and elsewhere. Many were injured, some were martyred. That night, we decided this government no longer represented the people - it was a killer regime.

On July 16, during the Mohakhali rail blockade, police fired tear gas, sound grenades, and used live ammunition. Many of our comrades were seriously injured.

How did the movement begin at Titumir College?

Sujon: We started our movement by facebook post in our college's Facebook group, but most posts were never approved. So we used Messenger for communicating and expressing support. That's how we started organizing movement in our college. Slowly, we built a structured team and began regular protests under the Titumir College banner.

How did the general public respond?

Sujon: Though it began as a student protest, the crackdown transformed into a people's movement. People in neighborhoods, shopkeepers, rickshaw-pullers, laborers, even elderly citizens- everyone started supporting us. They stood beside us with food, water, encouragement. What began as student demands soon became demands of the people.

How did you manage to keep the movement going?

Sujon: We had backup plans in case frontline leaders were arrested. Second and third-tier leadership was already prepared. We held regular online meetings and assigned responsibilities - who would go where, who would lead which program.

On August 1, a 39-member committee was announced. Without our knowledge, 8 names were inserted from the center - people we had no contact with. Two of them were arrested and disappeared. Still, the remaining members played a vital role in keeping the movement alive.

How did you coordinate with other institutions?

Sujon: We kept in touch with students from Standard University, Scholars University, Shaheen College, and other nearby campuses. We used online groups or made direct communication to coordinate programs so that everyone hit the streets with the same demands, on the same day. Even street children and rickshaw pullers joined us.

Did you face any personal or family threats?

Sujon: Definitely. I received multiple threats from unknown phone numbers because of my involvement in anti-government activities. My family was constantly at risk. My mother would cry and beg me to return home. But I knew stepping back would mean surrendering to injustice.

After the shooting on July 20 or 21, my phone was off for two days. My parents thought I had been killed and started searching for my body. They were out looking for my corpse.

How did you maintain contact with the central coordination committee?

Sujon: At first, I was in touch with central leaders like Abdul Hannan Masud and Rifat Rashid. They provided updates and instructions. After the 65-member Central Coordination Committee was announced on July 8, I became an assistant coordinator. That made coordination stronger, and the movement spread nationwide.

How did you communicate when the internet was shut down?

Sujon: Internet blackout made things difficult. We used button phones to send messages. Five to seven of us would stay in one room and decide who would go where. At night, we'd message others to gather in safe spots. Even under the threat of arrest or death, we never stopped. We knew the risks, but we didn't run.

We stayed on the streets - and we drove the fascist regime out of the country.

Did any student organization support you?

Sujon: Nawaz Khan Bappy bhai, Joint General Secretary of the Student Rights Council, regularly guided us. Through him, we communicated with former DUCSU VP Nurul Haque Nur. We also discussed movement strategies with ex-JCD leaders like Ariful Islam Emdad and Ariful Mollah.

Were there any casualties from your campus?

Sujon: On the night of July 18, our comrade Mamun bhai was martyred by police bullets. Many others were arrested and brutally tortured. From July 15 to August 5, over 200 students were injured. Among them, Kamruzzaman and Yusuf were tortured all day by order of the Titumir College Chhatra League president Ripon and leader Jewel, and then handed over to the police in the evening.

I, along with Shakhawat Hossain, Aftab Mahmud, Al Noman Nirob, Synthia Sumaiya, Asmani Khatun, Sumona, and many others were seriously injured on July 15 at TSC.

The law enforcement forces acted not as protectors but as predators. If they suspected someone was a student, they'd arrest and torture them. Even the youngest students weren't spared - the police and ruling party goons fired bullets without hesitation.

What are your expectations from the youth of this new Bangladesh?

Sujon: I hope fascism never rises again in this country. From the Partition of 1947, the Liberation War of 1971, to the 1990 mass uprising - the people never truly received what they fought for: equality, dignity, justice.

People were always used by political parties. We want that cycle to break. Politicians must become true friends of the people. The youth must rise above fear and greed and take part in building the country.

No one should ever become another Sheikh Hasina in this land. If anyone dares to behave like a fascist, we - the youth - will resist them.

We want a new beginning for Bangladesh - a country built on real democracy, compassion, and accountability. A land where our dreams finally find a home.