By Saiful Islam

DHAKA, July 21, 2025 (BSS) – Ashrefa Khatun, a master’s student of International Relations department of Dhaka University and a resident of Shamsunnahar Hall, emerged as a bold and committed voice during the historic July Uprising of 2024.

Ashrefa, who now serves as the spokesperson of the Central Committee of the Bangladesh Democratic Students’ Council, played a vital organizing role in the early days of the July uprising and helped sustain its momentum even under brutal repression.

Raised in Harikhali village of Khulna’s Terokhada upazila, Ashrefa’s political consciousness was shaped by a commitment to justice, not ambition. Her activism began in 2019 through engagement with an alternative entity in student politics. 

By 2022, she had served as the Secretary of Information and Research for the Bangladesh Student Rights Council’s Dhaka University unit.

In this exclusive interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Ashrefa shared a vivid, first-person account of her experiences from the frontlines of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. 

From the spontaneous eruption of student protests on July 14, following the fascist Hasina’s insulting remarks, students took to streets and the quota movement got broader shape sparking protests across the country.   

While describing the horrific events of the day Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled the country — the culmination of the movement — Ashrefa said, 

“On August 5, we were supposed to go out in the morning. I was in Segunbagicha. Law enforcement vehicles were patrolling in front of my house. I got ready and came to the gate, only to see there was no way to get out. We were supposed to gather at the Shaheed Minar. It was early morning; the streets were still empty. All night, I had kept thinking — will I be able to go out in the morning? Will they shoot if I try? Even one person stepping out was being shot at. Is that even possible? Still, I took a vow — even if they shoot, I must go out today.”

Ashrefa continued, “A student from Sufia Kamal Hall was with me. We planned: if any procession passed in front of the house, we’d join it. If we go just the two of us, what if they shoot us? Police were circling. Someone said police were firing in front of the High Court!”

“I called a friend and asked, ‘What’s the situation in Chankharpul? Can you reach Shaheed Minar?’ He said, ‘No, I can’t. Don’t try to come. They’re firing. They’re shooting at us. Four people have died in front of me. You don’t need to leave your house now.’ So I couldn’t get out. A while later, another friend called and said about a hundred thousand people were coming to Dhaka from Uttara. At that moment, I felt like a hundred thousand people were coming to rescue us from hell.”

“I just kept praying to Allah — please, let that procession enter the city. If that procession gets through, we are free, we are liberated!. And then I broke down. I cried for two hours straight…”

Ashrefa said, “I never had the ambition to get a government job. My parents wanted me to become a BCS cadre. I was always a bright student. But I was drawn to standing with people.”

The July movement began on June 6, 2025, in protest against a court verdict. Ashrefa was directly involved from the very first day. She said, “There was no political manifesto behind this movement. It was driven by hunger, by the demand for job security. Everyone joined for their own reasons.”

Although female participation was initially low, it gradually became more visible. “At first, even when girls joined the marches, they hesitated to chant slogans,” Ashrefa said.

“There was hesitation. Many were first- or second-year students whose families sent them to Dhaka University with dreams of a job. But they saw the discrimination and were compelled to join the movement,” she said.

She said that a Messenger group called “Women Coordination” was formed among five female halls at Dhaka University. “We planned in that group who would leave from where, when to gather in front of which hall,” she said.

Ashrefa and her comrades soon realized this was no longer a partisan movement — it was an outpouring of long-suppressed public anger.

When asked about obstacles faced during the movement, Ashrefa said, “There weren’t many restrictions inside the girls’ dormitories. Seat availability has always been an issue in the halls. Those who had politically secured seats were restricted from joining the movement. But I didn’t face such pressure. We didn’t have that kind of control on us.”

She added, “Still, there was a threat to the girls. Those in the first and second years played a huge role. Many of them lived in rooms controlled by the Chhatra League. Some were influenced by Chhatra League girls. It was critical for them.”

“We had to motivate them. We had to reassure them — if anything happened, we’d be there for them. Until July 15, we didn’t face major resistance.”

On July 14, during a mass rally and submission of a memorandum to the President, she said, “When we returned to the hall, we saw a press conference by the ousted Prime Minister. Sheikh Hasina called the students the grandchildren of Razakars (collaborators). That night, DU students spontaneously protested.”

“Everyone came out onto the streets from their halls and expressed their rage against Hasina,” said Ashrefa. “We marched in protest that night across the DU campus. Every hall brought out a procession. We were chanting from anger. We had many slogans that night. The first was — ‘Who are you, who am I? Razakar, Razakar…’ There were no sound systems on July 14. We had bought hand mics for each hall. I had the mic for Shamsunnahar Hall. I led the slogans with that mic.”

She continued, “Alongside the quota reform demand, we added another — the Prime Minister must apologize and withdraw her comment. From that night, I felt the real movement had begun. That night, because Eden College girls joined, Chhatra League girls poured hot water on them the next morning, July 15. They blocked the gate and stopped students from joining the protest.”

“I was dehydrated on July 14, having not eaten all day. I was out the whole time. I went out again at night without having my meal. I returned to the hall at 3am., still without eating. Meetings went on till morning. I slept for barely two hours.”

Ashrefa said, “Then we heard Eden College girls were being confined. Nusrat and I headed to Eden. By that time, junior girls had already gone out. Others joined from various halls. When we reached Palashi, boys from Dhaka College and girls from Maitree Hall went and brought out the Eden girls.”

“After the attack on July 15, girls returned to the halls. Many were scared of Chhatra League girls inside. Since an attack happened outside, there was fear it might happen inside. I feared girls might return home or stop joining the movement. Many were injured. Worst of all, many were traumatized. They saw blood up close. Girls were speechless after returning. It was horrible. I felt we had to do something for resistance.”

“Girls were saying, ‘Sister, attacks might happen inside too.’ Nusrat had been beaten badly near Jagannath Hall gate. I carried her back. People kept asking — should we not respond to such attacks? If something happens inside, we’ll respond. The girls stood united. Despite being beaten, they didn’t retreat. In fact, they became more outraged due to the assault by outsiders.”

Ashrefa said, “Then the video of Abu Sayeed’s death surfaced. I couldn’t believe it. Can police really shoot like this? What is this! Can an unarmed student with his chest bare really be shot like this?”

She added, “On July 12, a boy in yellow jeans from Comilla University stood with arms open. On July 13 or 14, Khan Talat Mahmud Rafi stood like that too. Those videos inspired us. Such a young boy standing like that. The police didn’t shoot Rafi. So I thought, there’s no way they’d shoot Abu Sayeed. But then I saw — they actually shot and killed him mercilessly.”

“On the night of July 16, Chhatra League girls were made to sign a statement: no more Chhatra League politics in the halls. I personally drafted a two-page list of demands and read them out. We decided not to vandalize their rooms, but they had to leave. In the morning, we’d all stand as they left in front of us.”

“On July 17, a notice was issued to vacate the halls. Still, about 50–60 of us stayed. We said, no matter what, we’re staying. That day, it felt like hell everywhere. So many sound grenades. So much tear gas. That day, a "absentee funeral prayer" was held for the deceased. Some returned to the hall injured. Tear gas all around.”

“On August 3, reaching Shaheed Minar felt like winning a war. I had to switch 4–5 rickshaws from Demra to Banglamotor to get there. I remember the rickshaw fare that day was 800 taka. Before arriving, I posted on Facebook — I’m near Shaheed Minar, everyone come. When I got there, it felt like I didn’t need familiar faces. Everyone felt like my own.”

Asked which day was most memorable in July, she said August 3.

“No other victory feels greater than that day. We always think city people — those in Gulshan, in AC rooms, with tattoos and sleeveless outfits — they don’t care about the country, don’t join movements. But that day, everyone was on the streets. They all gathered at Shaheed Minar.”

Recalling how the internet was shut down on the morning of August 5, she said, “That morning, everyone feared we’d be shot if we went out. Still, I decided to go. My parents kept calling. What’s the situation? I spoke cheerfully: ‘Abbu, no problem, don’t worry. I’ll be careful.’ But inside, I thought — maybe I won’t survive.”

“But in the end, that day felt like our rebirth. As if we became independent for a second time, finally free of tyranny. But the price — the price was heavy,” said Ashrefa.