By Esme Azom

DHAKA, July 29, 2025 (BSS) – Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD) joined the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement in July-August 2024 with full force. 

The quota reform movement turned into mass uprising that ousted autocratic ruler Sheikh Hasina.   

Abidul Islam Khan, joint general secretary of JCD’s Dhaka University unit, played an active role during the July movement mobilizing students to gear up the protest. 

Abidul Islam is a Dhaka University student under the 2015-16 academic sessions. From the very beginning of his campus life, Abidul Islam got involved in political activism amid hostile conditions. In every movement and struggle, he stood by the students, dreaming of a new Bangladesh, a country where there would be no politics of vengeance.

Then came the quota reform movement, which later evolved into the July mass uprising. He was active in the movement from the beginning. During difficult times, he called on ordinary people to unite through the sweet message: "Please, no one leave anyone behind." This emotional call became one of the defining voices of the July uprising.

Recently, in an interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Abidul Islam Khan shared his experience and contributions to the July Uprising.

BSS: How did you get involved in the 2024 quota reform movement? What were your initial thoughts about the movement?

Abidul Islam Khan: I was directly involved in the 2018 quota reform movement. From chanting slogans to being exposed to tear gas, the entire experience was bitter. That movement eventually created a situation that forced the then-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to accept the demands. The circular abolishing the quota system in 2018 was suspended on June 5, 2024, by a High Court ruling, effectively reinstating the quota system. In that context, I felt the movement needed to be reignited in light of the 2018 experience.

When the new movement began last year, many on campus already knew me due to my affiliation with JCD. For that reason, I couldn't get involved directly, since that could have led to the movement being steered in another direction. So, I asked my juniors like Mayed, Sajjad, and Sakib Biswas to monitor the developments from day one. On June 5, instead of joining the protest directly, they observed the situation carefully.

For an ordinary student, joining the movement was relatively easy, but for us as JCD activists, it was incredibly challenging. The then-authoritarian regime was always looking for opportunities to spark controversy involving JCD. On one hand, the media reported on our absence; on the other hand, when we tried to participate, they blocked us, saying our presence would divert the movement. It was a very tough situation for us.

On June 6, I spoke with Nurul Amin Noor, the then-General Secretary of Shahidullah Hall unit of JCD. We discussed how our juniors wouldn’t be welcomed at the forefront of the movement because the main organizers wanted to distance themselves from JCD. But we believed our juniors needed to participate for their political maturity. We later included Wasi Tami, current Office Secretary of JCD’s Dhaka University chapter, in this discussion.

We reflected on how, since the 2019 DUCSU election, our political activities on campus had been limited. After a violent attack by Chhatra League in 2022, it virtually ceased. In such circumstances, it was essential for our juniors to gain political exposure and maturity through participation.

Our goal was to embed our juniors with general students and engage them actively in the movement. We decided to recruit JCD activists from sessions 2018–19 and onward, while we seniors would provide full support from behind the scenes.

Most importantly, we aimed to capitalize on any mistakes made by the authoritarian government. We knew that a fascist regime would make mistakes and to take advantage of those, we needed politically aware activists in the movement, even provoking such mistakes if necessary.

After the discussion, I called Mayed and Sajjad. Since Sajjad didn’t have a smartphone, I asked Mayed to create a group and add interested JCD activists from the 2018–19 session and below. Mayed immediately created the group. Then, through a video call, we presented our discussion to them about building political maturity, becoming public figures, and seizing the government's missteps. As a result, everyone agreed to participate in the movement collectively.

After this meeting with the juniors, I fulfilled my organizational duties by informing Nahiduzzaman Shipon, JCD’s Dhaka University unit general secretary. He approved our plan. From June 6, discussions began in our “Quota Movement Review Group,” whose main objective was to seize on government mistakes and use them to bring about its downfall.

On June 9, there was a protest rally by general students at the Raju Memorial Sculpture. Since many students had gone home for Eid, I coordinated a team of 40–50 people, including juniors and others, to join that day. This marked our official participation in the movement, starting from June 9.

BSS: From July 1, we saw regular programs under the banner of “Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.” How were you involved in these programs, or how did you contribute during that period?

Abidul Islam Khan: Our primary decision was to allow those leading under the “Anti-Discrimination Student Movement” banner to operate independently. We chose to continue our work internally. So, we never directly intervened in their programs. They carried on in their own way. We believed a mass uprising is never the result of a single plan or leadership.

At the beginning of the movement, when the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement committee was formed, two of our activists became co-coordinators — Rizvi Alam, Assistant Organizational Secretary of Muktijoddha Ziaur Rahman Hall Chhatra Dal, and Mehedi Hasan Munna, Assistant Publicity Secretary of Sir A F Rahman Hall Chhatra Dal.

Through them, we received updates, decisions, and information from the committee. While they conducted blockades and other programs, we never interfered. Instead, we supported them indirectly and took part ourselves — because their success would make our future activities easier to carry out.

From July 1, as the movement became centered around Dhaka University and spread to Shahbagh, we encouraged our Chhatra Dal members to participate daily. I was at Shahbagh myself on July 2. Our juniors led slogans inside, while we provided them with water and stood by in support.

We had an online group where we held video calls every evening. I gave the juniors instructions on how to participate — how to chant slogans, how to talk to journalists, even wrote scripts for them. Our juniors weren’t yet politically mature, and any small mistake could have seriously harmed the movement — that’s why I took those steps.

After July 3, 4, and 5, when processions started arriving from different halls and departments, some Bangladesh Chhatra League activists also joined. These individuals targeted Chhatra Dal members and bullied them. Once, there was almost a physical altercation between Sakib Biswas, the Office Secretary of Bijoy 71 Hall, and an Accounting Department Chhatra League member. If such events escalated, the blame would have fallen on Chhatra Dal. So managing these situations was crucial for us, and we did it very carefully.

On the night of July 4, I received calls from both the university and central leadership of JCD, asking us to come to the party office the next morning. A group of 8–10 of us went there. A long discussion was held regarding the nature of the movement, who was backing it, and how much we were involved.

Leaders from both the university and central levels were present. The decision was that we would continue exactly as we were. The central president said, “Even the food we eat is for the fall of Hasina. Don’t worry — move forward. We are with you.”

From July 6 onward, the movement continued daily. Our boys and girls kept the spirit alive through interviews, songs, poetry recitations, and cultural programs. On July 6, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir publicly expressed support for the movement in a press conference and endorsed the students' demands. On July 11, the central committee of Chhatra Dal held its own press conference to express support. And on July 12, 13, 14, and 15, we continued our work as usual.

BSS: Can you share us the events on the night of July 14.
Abidul Islam Khan: We fueled the quota reform movement daily, expanded it, and coordinated with all other units. On the morning of July 14, students submitted a memorandum to the President. That day, in a press conference, the then Prime Minister made a controversial remark. She said, “If the children of freedom fighters don’t get quota, will the grandchildren of collaborators get quota?” Immediately after this comment, we took it as an opportunity. We started discussing in our online groups.

Later that night, when students began leaving the halls chanting slogans, I instructed all Chhatra Dal hall units, even those not publicly affiliated with us, to use the situation to our advantage. After the power went out at night, students from Jasim Uddin Hall, Bijoy 71 Hall, Mohsin Hall, Surja Sen Hall, and other halls of Dhaka University started banging plates and utensils, chanting “Who are you? Who am I? Razakar Razakar!” There was no specific leadership at that moment; every student became a leader and used this slogan sarcastically.

We immediately discussed in the group how to use this opportunity to establish Hasina as a “dictator.” I called Mayed and asked him to quickly form a team of 10 to create slogans using the word “dictator.” I gave the same instructions to Mehedi Hasan Munna and Sifat Ibne Amin. While we were discussing raising the “dictator” slogan, Rizvi Alam, co-coordinator of Chhatra Dal and co-organizational secretary of Ziaur Rahman Hall, wrote a slogan: “Who are you? Who am I? Razakar Razakar — who said it? Who said it? Dictator Dictator.”

At 11:34pm on July 14, Rizvi’s slogan appeared first. I immediately called Sifat and said, “Come what may, tonight we either die or survive; you will raise this slogan.” Later, Sifat raised this slogan among the gathered students.

At 11:34pm on July 14, by raising the slogan “Who are you? Who am I? Razakar Razakar — who said it? Who said it? Dictator Dictator,” Hasina was established from the soil of Dhaka University to all over Bangladesh as a “dictator” after nearly six and a half years. This was a great achievement of the JCD, acknowledged by many journalists.

BSS: We saw significant events on July 15, 16, and 17 at Dhaka University campus, including the expulsion of Chhatra League. How was your experience during these days?

Abidul Islam Khan: On July 15 at 11am, there was a pre-planned program at the Raju Sculpture by students. When general students were being stopped inside the halls from joining the rally, they tried to overcome those obstacles. At that time, Chhatra League goons attacked the general students in the hall area. I was on campus during this and got injured, requiring hospitalization.

Around noon at 12, when I reached Raju Sculpture, no one was there; everyone was standing in front of Surja Sen Hall with microphones, and clashes were ongoing at Bijoy 71 Hall. At the start of the clashes, we together formed some resistance. Many girls also joined the movement that day. Later, when we came to the VC Chattar, bricks started raining down. Large bricks hit many on their heads, foreheads, bodies, and limbs. I fell amid a crowd of girls. During this, a rod wielded by Chhatra League members hit my leg and I fell. Somehow, I dragged myself into SM Hall. Then Bijoy 71 Hall office secretary Sakib Biswas and Nazrul College Chhatra Dal’s human rights affairs secretary Shahadat rescued me and took me to Dhaka Medical College Hospital.

The cruelty of that day and the girls’ role was remarkable. Boys shedding blood is normal, but girls actively joining the struggle accelerated the movement. At the hospital, doctors seemed confused about who should treat whom. Central JCD leaders arranged for my X-ray. My leg was not broken but was in severe pain. Since it wasn’t broken, I was transferred to Islami Bank Hospital. Later, I learned that Chhatra League also attacked inside Dhaka Medical College and assaulted patients’ relatives.

Doctors advised me to apply a plaster cast, but I refused because plastering would have completely disconnected me from the movement.

After the attack on July 15, an urgent meeting was called at the BNP party office in the afternoon. Student Affairs Secretary Rokibul Islam Bakul led the meeting where central student leaders were present. The university unit was instructed to begin physical involvement in the movement from that night. On July 15 afternoon, Chhatra Dal was fully organized and remained present at Shahidullah Hall.

On July 16, there was a sit-in program at Shahid Minar. My leg was still severely injured; I couldn’t stand. But my mind wouldn’t let me stay home. So I called Sifat Ibne Amin and two others to my house in Khilgaon. They brought me to Shahid Minar by CNG, but there was no way to enter. We tried to enter through Bakshibazar and Dhaka Medical College gates but failed.

On July 17, Dhaka University Chhatra Dal’s role was extremely courageous. Except for the leadership students, most present on campus that day were Chhatra Dal activists. At 11am, nationwide funeral prayers were held for six people who died on July 16. I was not on campus that day due to my severe leg injury on July 15. I was moving mentally rather than physically. The coffin brought for the funeral was attended by front liners like Saif, Hamim, and others from Chhatra Dal.

BSS: On July 17, Dhaka University was declared closed. How did you stay involved in the movement after that?

Abidul Islam Khan: Keeping the movement alive on July 18 was a big challenge because public university students were out of campus. On that day, private university students took to the streets and energized the movement. On the morning of July 18, I went to Basundhara Gate holding a microphone, I started chanting slogans in a serious tone, and the whole area became lively. 

When we were attacked from Bhatara, we took a bloodied boy affected by tear gas into a house in Badda. The aunties there began providing fans, food, and first aid to the injured boy. They gave me WiFi and asked me to provide updates. At that time, there was no mobile network or journalists. I made a video message: “Wherever you are, come out! Bloodshed in Badda; no private university student is leaving the streets.” One auntie gave me three wide sticks and a Pepsodent tube and matches to protect me from tear gas.

From the night of July 18, the internet was completely shut down. That night, when I left home, I saw the whole street filled with people. Elders had also come out on the streets. At that moment, gunfire was fired from a helicopter in that area, injuring many people.

Around 8-9pm, when I started walking along the road, I was checked at every corner to see if I was a Chhatra League member. Seeing this gave me peace; those who used to check our phones are now having their phones checked. There was a guard at every corner.

July 19 was Friday. We received calls about a BNP rally. It was difficult to move from one area to another. Due to contacts with private university students in Basundhara area, I went to a familiar Kazi office near Basundhara Gate and sat there. From there, I called everyone. Many said, “Brother, we will come.” I saw a boy named Ayub going around buildings with a microphone, calling students to come out.

Later at Basundhara Gate, I saw a procession of at least 10,000 people. There we staged a blockade, breaking roads and curfews. Clashes broke out with police and local Awami League supporters. Around 4 to 5pm, another helicopter attack happened. Many people fell on the ground. Seeing 10,000 people that day, I thought, this is what love for the country means! On one side is family, on the other, the state—they chose the state that day. Many boys and girls were admitted to hospitals.

That night, we announced we would gather again at 9am the next day. On the morning of July 20, I went there and found many people scattered. Later that day, I organized the movement there. Thus, during the internet blackout days, I stayed involved in the movement in this area. Many people died and many were injured during this period.

After three or four days, cultural activists organized a rally at the press club, which was a new way to revive the movement. Then lawyers joined the “March for Justice,” cultural activists marched from Farmgate to various places, and intellectuals came to the field. From July 19 to August 2 was the peak tide of the mass uprising. Remittance workers, teachers, lawyers, laborers, farmers, day laborers, even street children played extraordinary roles in this mass uprising. When everyone came out, the movement slowly progressed toward a final phase.

BSS: Please share your experience from August 2 to August 4.
Abidul Islam Khan: On August 2, we already realized that the movement was heading towards a single demand and that a final announcement was imminent. From the morning of August 3, the preparations for this became evident. Around noon, I was the first to arrive at Shahid Minar. I saw Noor, the organizational secretary of Shahidullah Hall of JCD, gathering some people with slogans for the single demand. Many were afraid in the morning, but we arrived and dispelled that fear. Before the announcement, the entire Shahid Minar area began resonating with the chants of "Resign, Resign, Resign."

After the announcement of the single demand, the JCD activists collectively erased Hasina’s poster from the Metro Rail pillar at Dhaka University. On that day, the JCD launched a campaign of destruction against the symbols of the Awami League on campus.

On August 4, coordinating with everyone, I arrived at Shahbagh at 9am that day, a massive clash occurred with the Jubo League. We beat them back and drove them away. PG Hospital was set on fire, and from its rooftop, attacks were launched on us. Overall, we expelled them and took control of Shahbagh. Many people were killed throughout the day. I stayed in Shahbagh until 6 pm that evening.

BSS: How did you celebrate ‘Victory Day’ on August 5?
Abidul Islam Khan: On the night of August 4, after performing Tahajjud prayer, I prepared myself for death. At that moment, no one was before me except the Creator. I wept all night, seeking forgiveness for all my mistakes. After Tahajjud, I fell asleep. Throughout the night, I felt as if rain was falling on me, filling me with courage. In the morning, I woke up joyfully and left the house without fear.

As I was approaching Shahid Minar, I heard gunfire. I learned everyone had gathered at the Dhaka Medical College. Instead of going to Shahid Minar, I entered the Medical College. In the new building, I spoke with some acquaintances and asked, "What can we do now?" They replied, "Brother, we must go out." I said, "Yes, we must."

I found many JCD members there. Then I addressed everyone present, saying, "Those of you who are like my parents, brothers, and sisters, please stand by us on this battlefield. We will win this fight, no doubt. We will win today! Please do not abandon anyone." I don't even know how the words "We will win today" came from my mouth.

When I raised my hand and made everyone take the pledge, "We will not abandon anyone," it created a heart-wrenching atmosphere.

Then, all together, united by a voice unknown to me, we took to the field with no weapons or protection, only our bodies and courage. Police gunfire instantly claimed two martyrs. The boy standing beside me, the most inspired during my speech, Manik Mia, fell first before my eyes, shot by the police. If he hadn’t died, maybe I would have. Then Anas also became a martyr before me. After Anas was killed, the attacks against us reduced somewhat, but three more people died during that time. After five martyrs, we fought on for about 45 minutes to an hour.

Later, unable to hold against the police, we retreated into Dhaka Medical College again. From the opposite building, snipers linked to Jubo League terrorists attacked us.

We broke the curfew and took control of Shahbagh. At that moment, I shouted, "Breaking news: The killer Hasina has fled." Half an hour later, Hasina fled Bangladesh.

I had a dream that the day Hasina left, I would sleep on the streets. After her downfall, I celebrated and slept for about half an hour to 40 minutes.

BSS: What are your aspirations and dreams for Bangladesh after the uprising?
Abidul Islam Khan: When I got admission into Dhaka University, I had chosen JCD for doing healthy politics.  

I do not want revengeful politics prevail in the country again. Bangladesh needs practicing of good politics to build a discrimination-free country.