By Rudro Al Muttakin

DHAKA, Aug 1, 2025 (BSS) - Moshiur Rahman Khan Richard, Coordinator of the Anti-Fascist Student Unity and President of the Student Federation, played a key role during the July uprising.

He stressed that the spirit of unity that came out of the July uprising must be upheld to establish a new political order in post-July Bangladesh; otherwise, the martyrs' sacrifices would be rendered meaningless.

Born and raised in Narayanganj, Richard became politically active through the Student Federation and currently serves as its central president.

In a recent interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), he shared his involvement in the anti-discrimination movement and reflected on various aspects of his experience in the uprising.

Richard said that his political vision is rooted in realizing the democratic aspirations of the July uprising, fulfilling the spirit of the Liberation War, and establishing equality, human dignity, and social justice.

BSS: You were the coordinator of the Anti-Fascist Student Unity formed in 2023. What led to its formation?

Richard: The turning point came in 2018 when Bangladesh experienced a blatant electoral rigging, essentially, an election stolen the night before. That moment made it clear that fair elections under this government were no longer possible. 

Elections of the Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) were also deeply controversial.
 
Campuses across the country fell under the control of the ruling party's student wing, with widespread reports of repression and violence. 

In response, we realized the urgent need for a nationwide democratic alternative, a united front of student organizations against this authoritarian regime.

Starting in 2018, we began conversations with progressive, pro-democracy student bodies. Over time, we worked to build unity through shared struggle. This effort included dialogues with Chhatra Dal and other student organizations. It was a painstaking but necessary process.

BSS: How was the Anti-Fascist Student Unity formally formed?

Richard: Our main idea was that fascism is not just a particular regime but an entire system, an ideology that must be confronted by those committed to democratic values. We wanted to bring together organizations with a genuine commitment to democracy.

This unity was crucial because students had long endured humiliation and subjugation. Our goal was to create a path to a dignified life and our nine-point charter made that clear. 

The platform was formally launched through a convention that declared our collective opposition to guestroom torture and other forms of systemic repression. It was a political and moral commitment to change.

BSS: You've endured lawsuits and attacks but continued to be active in politics. What is your vision for the Bangladesh?

Richard: The Student Federation is driven by a vision of an egalitarian, humane education system and social order. All of us who are part of this movement hold on to that dream. We've encountered many obstacles attacks, lawsuits, threats. But during the fascist period, we remained on the streets, undeterred by repression.

Even on January 7, during the one-sided election, we were out protesting. Our commitment to dismantling fascist rule has remained unwavering. We've fought with the spirit of sacrifice, believing that until equal opportunity, civic dignity and fundamental rights like education and healthcare are ensured for all, our struggle must continue. This is a fight to build a humane state.

BSS: When and how did you join the quota reform movement?

Richard: I got involved the very day the controversial circular was issued. Though I was outside Dhaka on that day and couldn't attend the protest, I joined from the next day onward. As president of the Student Federation, my main concern was ensuring my organization's participation.

I instructed all our Dhaka University leaders Armanul Haque, our DU secretary Umama Fatema, Sakib Roni, Sima, all of whom joined from day one. I personally took part in every protest. I also donated funds and helped raise resources for the movement.

When the Rangpur protests escalated, Shahriar Sohag, the coordinator there, contacted me and I sent funds. I stayed in touch with organizers in Barisal, Narayanganj and Tangail. I was on the ground during the blockades and other major events.

On July 18, I was at Dhanmondi with student protesters, including DU Chhatra Union President Meghmallar Basu. I helped rescue two injured students and rejoined the protest at Shahbagh. That evening, our central secretary Saikat Arif was injured in an attack by Chhatra League. After that, I couldn't be as active on the streets, but I coordinated with leaders across the country, many of whom were also injured.

On July 19, when Junaid Saki was attacked at Community Hospital, I was there. I saw the Chhatra League and Jubo League physically assault him inside the hospital.

BSS: As a known political figure, how did you lead during the early days of the movement?

Richard: We were cautious. We feared that if prominent political faces led from the front, the movement would be dismissed as political and repressed more brutally. To avoid such labeling and division among students, we decided that senior leaders would stay behind the scenes.
We put forward our younger leadership Umama and Arman to be the public face, while we mobilized our entire network in support of the protests. That was a strategic decision.

BSS: Were you under surveillance?

Richard: Yes. At times, I couldn't stay at home. I moved between friends' houses and the residence of our executive coordinator. Still, I came to the office almost every day and joined protests at Shahbagh regularly. 
As long as campuses were open, I was present. I maintained constant contact and worked to preserve the movement's momentum.

BSS: How was your experience during the peak of the movement in July?

Richard: On July 15 and 16, Chhatra League attacked the campus. I was present those days. On the 15th, there was some confusion about the direction of the procession, but then Chhatra League launched an attack. 
I started live streaming from there and tried to guide those with me to stop the destruction. I told them that since this is our property and we don't know what will happen in the future, instead of causing damage, we should resist Chhatra League peacefully.

At one point that day, we had to fall back and people dispersed in different directions. Some students and I gathered in front of the VC's courtyard. I suggested that we should launch another counter-charge because if we let them come closer, they would attack again. This memory remains significant.

BSS: How did you organize movement during the curfew?

Richard: I didn't join street protests during the curfew directly, as many of our key leaders, including Saikat and our Dhaka Metropolitan organizer, were injured. I focused on coordinating from behind the scenes, especially in the districts.

We organized candlelight vigils and protest concerts by artists. The teachers' network was also active. Our goal was to maintain the continuity of the movement, regardless of government propaganda or conspiracies. Even when some coordinators publicly stepped back, vast numbers of people remained engaged.

BSS: What role did July uprising play in changing Bangladesh's political culture?

Richard: It's still early to assess the cultural shift entirely. We're in a transitional period. July is not over yet. The initial focus, documenting the martyrs, rehabilitating the wound remains incomplete. So, in that sense, July continues.

The deeper spirit of July was the rise of democratic aspirations against a fascist system. We haven't achieved that transition yet and the old structures are still largely intact. The shadow of the former regime still lingers.

The national unity that July fostered overcoming ideological divides to form a united front is now fractured. Self-serving groups have eroded that unity, allowing conspirators to re-enter the political landscape. These elements are now challenging the democratic transition, and we've seen recent events that testify to this.

That said, there has been a major shift in public consciousness. Many citizens, especially youth, were resigned to the idea that Sheikh Hasina would remain in power until 2041. The martyrdom of Abu Sayed, however, sparked a powerful awakening. Students are now unafraid to speak out, to resist injustice. That's the spirit of July.

But this spirit must be channeled into concrete political unity. Some political forces claiming to uphold July's values have failed in this regard, weakening the youth movement. Still, I believe the long-term fight for democracy, equality, dignity and justice will be carried forward by the young people shaped by the July experience.

BSS: You've spoken against the depoliticization of student politics. What is your assessment now?

Richard: Depoliticization began in the 1990s and intensified over the past 15-16 years. When campuses were ruled by fear and authoritarianism, genuine, grassroots politics was sidelined. Students saw nothing but violence and control. Naturally, they became disillusioned.

But July reignited political awareness among students. That gives me hope. The uprising was a major political episode and it should have led to meaningful political change. Unfortunately, some forces failed to rise above narrow interests.

Instead of discussing how to democratize campus politics, underground groups launched propaganda against student politics altogether posing as apolitical students. This created confusion and division among students, derailing efforts to rebuild democratic student structures.

We've called for student union elections to revive student politics. If these elections are held regularly, both power-based and rights-based organizations would be coexisted, creating a balance. Without these elections, cultural change will not come overnight.

Yes, there is a legacy of patronage-based student politics in Bangladesh. But there is also a tradition of independent, progressive student activism. The former is dominant because it is backed by power, while the latter is marginalized. Our goal is to popularize and strengthen independent politics.

I remain hopeful that students will increasingly turn to independent political currents. They must resist muscle-based politics, and for that, we need student union elections. That is the only way to shift the campus culture over time.

BSS: What are your thoughts on education reform?

Richard: Since our founding, we've demanded a democratic education system. Under the previous regime, question paper leaks, declining education quality and rising costs turned education into a crisis. The regime ignored all democratic demands because it was an unelected government.

After the uprising, we proposed the formation of a National Student Council. Our focus was on improving quality and restructuring the education sector. To rebuild our broken state, damaged over 53 years, we need to start with education. The education sector suffered the most under the last regime.

We submitted a set of proposals to the current education adviser, including a demand to increase the education budget significantly. Other countries, like post-uprising Sri Lanka, focused on education and healthcare. We believe Bangladesh must do the same.

One of our key demands is salary parity for teachers. Everyone chases BCS jobs, but the education cadre is always deprived of due facilities. We proposed that primary and secondary school teachers should receive salaries equivalent to those in the ninth grade of the BCS. We also suggested a separate pay scale for teachers.

Moreover, we highlighted inequalities between urban and rural students. We advocated for scholarships for female and poor students, improved digital infrastructure and better lab facilities. Our 11-point education reform plan was developed in consultation with academics and submitted formally to the education adviser.

BSS: What's your view on the post-July Bangladesh?

Richard: A year has passed and our expectations have evolved. Immediately after the uprising, we hoped that the massive sacrifice would lead to real change led by the youth who were at the forefront.

We submitted proposals to support this transition. But the past year has revealed gaps in maintaining unity and in national reconstruction. Fractional interests have undermined collective goals.

Still, I believe the sacrifice of so many lives cannot be in vain. The slogan "This country does not belong to anyone's father" continues to inspire us. We are committed to ensuring that the state belongs to the people and is governed democratically.

We've learned from the failures that enabled fascism in the first place. Now, with political unity and grassroots power, we can move forward to build a truly egalitarian Bangladesh.