By Mohiuddin Mujahid Mahi

DHAKA, August 5, 2025 (BSS) – Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan, currently serving as an adviser to the interim government, was one the leading coordinators of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement that led the July 2024 mass uprising.

Asif Mahmud in an exclusive interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS) shared the tumultuous days of the quota reform movement, the journey of his political activism and his vision for a prosperous Bangladesh.

He was born on July 14, 1998, in a village of Akubpur Union under Muradnagar Upazila, Cumilla. His father is Mohammad Billal Hossain and his mother is Roksana Begum.

He completed his secondary education at Nakhalpara Hossain Ali High School and higher secondary from Adamjee Cantonment College. Later, in the 2017–18 academic session, he enrolled in the Department of Linguistics at the University of Dhaka.

His political journey began with active participation in the 2018 quota reform movement. In 2023, he was elected president at the first council of the Dhaka University chapter of the Bangladesh Student Rights Council. However, due to accusations of constitutional violations, he resigned along with his entire committee. Later that year, on October 4, he was made convener of the Dhaka University chapter of Democratic Student Force. Currently, he serves as an adviser to the Ministry of Youth and Sports and the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development, and Cooperatives.

During the 2024 quota reform protests and the July mass uprising, he demonstrated firm determination to continue the movement despite physical and psychological torture, heavy surveillance, and life-threatening situations.

In a historic decision, he advanced the “Long March to Dhaka” programme by one day to maintain momentum of the movement. Despite abductions, torture, surveillance, and the deaths of many comrades, he carried on the struggle for the people's liberation.

BSS: What’s your story of coming into politics? Why did you join politics? How did it begin?

Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan: I got admitted to Dhaka University in 2018. The first shock was the brutal reality of the campus -- guestroom torture, BCL’s (Bangladesh Chhatra League) absolute dominance and terror -- everything felt like part of the “normal system.” The scariest part was that no one talked about it. No one even dared. You’d walk through campus, and suddenly you’d see someone getting beaten by 10-12 people in front of the Arts Building or TSC -- and the rest just watched. No questions were raised.

From seniors, I heard that it used to be even worse. If someone prayed, or wore their pants above the ankles, they’d be branded as Shibir activist and beaten up. We entered this atmosphere of unspoken fear. You had to just accept it.

Anyway, the quota reform movement began in early 2018. I got involved with a small group of friends. Through that involvement, I realized -- it’s possible to resist by raising your voice. From then on, we didn’t just stick to the quota issue -- we protested guestroom torture, BCL’s control of the campus, national issues like Abrar Fahad’s martyrdom, NRC, enforced disappearances, and authoritarian rule.
We were small in number -- sometimes 10, 15, maybe 20 people. But we never missed to protest.

Initially, I was involved with the Student Rights Council. But leadership there became problematic. Strategic and ideological conflicts emerged, so I resigned. We then formed "Chhatroshokti" (Student Power). Ten months later, we reorganized again -- and from there, many future movements were lead.

BSS: Did you ever face fear or attacks while protesting? What were those experiences like?

Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan: In 2019, a major admission scandal surfaced -- 136 students got into the university through fraud. I personally published that list on social media because the university wasn’t taking action. That led to protests. After an investigation, about 90 students were expelled. During that campaign, BCL attacked us. I got a cut near my eye -- the scar is still there. That’s when I realized -- once fear is broken, it doesn’t return.

After Abrar Fahad’s murder, we held memorials every year. During Modi’s visit to Bangladesh, I joined protests against him -- and got injured again. In 2022, during the third anniversary of Abrar’s martyrdom, we were attacked again, and arrested directly from Dhaka Medical College Hospital. Out of the 24 arrested, I was one. I spent about a month and a half in jail.

There were four cases against me -- two related to Abrar, and two others. Monthly court appearances at CMM court became part of my life.

During this time, many people supported us -- some openly, some in secret. Some offered legal help, others provided financial support. Even some former students, elder brothers, helped us.
Take Cumilla for example -- we couldn’t always stay in touch due to time constraints. We had to keep our phones off, stay in hiding. It was that kind of situation. Still, the central programmes we gave were implemented nationwide. That shows -- this was the people’s movement, and the leaders were merely its navigators.

During the internet and social media shutdown, I can only speak from what I heard -- because from July 19 to 24, I was abducted. I was completely in the dark about what was happening. When I finally returned, I tried to understand what had happened.

I reached a hospital with a broadband connection -- the internet was down, but broadband worked. So I could see what had taken place during those days.

There was discussion on eight or nine points -- and the massacre that occurred afterward. According to Prothom Alo, the death toll had reached 210. Before I was taken away, I knew 7 had been killed and 29 injured. I thought maybe the number would rise to 50 -- but 210 left me shocked.

At that time, Nahid bhai wasn’t around either. I myself wasn’t present. Our juniors stepped up to take charge of coordination -- keeping in touch with stakeholders and other student groups.

Nahid bhai was released injured a couple of days later. After that, he did some coordination. Once I was back, we began announcing programmes over the phone -- calling Rifat, Masud, Hasib, everyone. We were both hospitalized. That was a time of deep crisis for me.
I was admitted to Gonoshasthaya on July 24 -- and then, on July 26, I was back in DB (Detective Branch) custody.

BSS: How many times were you detained, and what were the circumstances during those times? Where were you, and what did you witness?

Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan: I was detained twice -- first by an intelligence agency, and the second time by the Detective Branch (DB).

The first time, I was at a friend’s house in Gulshan. There was gunfire happening at the Gulshan intersection. We stepped into an alley to observe the situation and try to help, but because the roads there are straight and open, the police had already formed a firing line. There was no chance for shelter, no opportunity to regroup.

That night, I wrote a handwritten press release and gave it to a friend. Since the internet was shut down, we arranged to send it to various media houses via fax -- including from my friend’s father’s office. Later, I went to another friend’s house in Mirpur to change locations. I had called him beforehand. That’s when they attempted to abduct me in plain clothes. I later learned I was blindfolded and taken to an undisclosed location.

I can’t say exactly where I was, but Nahid Bhai later recognized the structure of the room and was able to identify the location. We were asked to record video statements declaring that the movement was being called off, paying tribute to those who had been martyred, and urging everyone to refrain from violence. They insisted that the violence was instigated by BNP-Jamaat.

I refused to give that interview. They then took the password of my mobile phone and started checking it. When I still wouldn’t comply, a few hours later, they injected me with something and made me unconscious. Later, blood tests at Gonoshasthaya Nagar Hospital showed that I had been given Pethidine, and they had injected me three to four times.

I was unconscious for almost the entire time. I only began to regain consciousness the night before I was released. That night, they used my phone to try to contact family members and coordinators, but they could not reach anyone. I remained held at Gonoshasthaya Nagar Hospital for two days.

Intelligence officers visited our cabin during that time. We tried to communicate with our juniors and journalists through broadband, but when they figured it out, they confiscated our phones.

The next day, we were taken in a DB vehicle. Initially, there were three of us -- I, Nahid Bhai, and Baker. The next day, Hasnat Bhai, Sarjis Bhai, and Nusrat were brought in.

From the beginning, they pressured us to give video statements -- through both psychological and physical torture.

We were allowed to communicate with each other for only 10–20 minutes a day. The rest of the time, we were kept in isolation. They wanted me in particular to say exactly what they dictated.

We saw that teams were being dispatched to find Masud, Kader, and Rifat. We were terrified -- if everyone was picked up one by one, the movement could collapse. We had no real updates about the outside world.

One day, a police constable mentioned that university teachers were arriving. Then Mahin called me. We decided that if we had to give any kind of video message, we would frame it as a press briefing instead.

Harun (then DB chief) said they would record a video first and review it, and then allow us to speak to the media. They drafted a script stating that the movement was being called off and violence would cease. But we were not allowed to read it in advance, and the text was not shared before they asked us to sign it.

We assumed we’d be able to speak in our own words. But it was a one-sided script, and they later circulated it to the media.
The entire press briefing was recorded on a phone camera inside the DC Ramna's office.
They kept us detained for three days and told us straight: if we didn’t say what they wanted, we wouldn’t be released.

BSS: During your detention and after your release, how was the movement reorganized, and how did the process of the one-point demand announcement unfold?

Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan: We tried many times to communicate with our juniors and with journalists, but our phones were taken away. There was immense pressure from the government, and we were subjected to both mental and physical abuse. Even under those circumstances, we tried to keep the movement alive and looked for ways to get information to the outside world. But the surveillance and control by the intelligence agencies were so intense that the regular functioning of the movement was severely disrupted.

For the six days we were detained without any communication, the entire situation felt like a void, complete darkness. Still, our juniors were carrying on the movement, and they had clear instructions: under no circumstances should the movement be stopped. We tried to get updates from them whenever we could.

In preparing for the one-point demand, we were in regular discussion with social media activists and other stakeholders. We wanted that declaration to come from the streets, not just as a digital post -- because this was a historical turning point.

The one-point declaration wasn’t the end; it was a crucial milestone in the broader nine-point anti-government movement. But by August 3, the ground wasn’t fully ready for that declaration. Once the news of the first mass killing came out, and reports confirmed over 210 deaths, public sentiment began to shift decisively.

At that time, the movement was shattered, scattered, and facing extreme repression. There was an urgent need to regroup. After we were released, that regrouping finally became possible.

The ‘Drohojatra’ on August 2 showed us that a national-level movement was possible. That’s when we realized that if we made a one-point declaration, the people would unite.

Some had suggested announcing the one-point declaration online that very night. But we were firm that it needed to be done from the streets -- because if we wanted to earn public trust, the leadership had to remain close to the ground.

There were fears of gunfire at Shaheed Minar -- but we saw it as a wake-up call. It was a clear message: “Wherever you are, come to Shaheed Minar.”

BSS: What was the situation on August 3 and afterward? How were the programmes implemented, and what reactions did you receive from the government and your family?

Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan: On August 3, we came to Shaheed Minar wearing masks to deliver the one-point declaration. That day, we jointly announced the one-point demand and launched a non-cooperation movement, with Nahid Bhai reading out the demand.

Then we led a rally toward Shahbagh.

There were relatively fewer casualties that day, but the one-point declaration spread rapidly and widely.

The next day, August 4, the movement underwent a dramatic shift. The situation turned into a “do or die” scenario. People came out into the streets with renewed energy and resolve. But that day, Chhatra League launched attacks with local weapons. Though they failed to suppress the movement, by evening, members of law enforcement agency opened fire -- and four people were martyred.

From the afternoon onward, reports of gunfire began pouring in from across the country. By nightfall, we received news that more than 100 people had been killed. That same day, we announced the “March to Dhaka” programme.

During this time, top-level leadership of the Awami League initiated measures to regain control of the movement. We learned that between August 2 and 3, they had formed a “Negotiation Committee” tasked with contacting movement leaders and attempting to rein in the protests through a conventional committee structure.

Personally, I had a very different experience. After being released from DB custody, my family strongly discouraged me from rejoining the movement. They wanted me to stay safe.

In that situation, I left my home area and went to a friend’s house in Maniknagar. From there, I wore a mask and came to Shaheed Minar to take part in the one-point declaration.

BSS: After the one-point declaration, what were your plans and expectations for the next phase of the movement--especially concerning the situation on August 4 and the way programmes were designed and announced?

Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan: We thought the movement would continue for another 15 to 20 days after the one-point declaration. We had plans for a long-term struggle. No one imagined that everything would culminate by August 5. But given the reality on the ground, we realized that the one-point declaration was the most effective step at that point.

Many people suggested declaring it online, but we believed that doing it from the streets was the only way to earn the people’s trust. There was fear that we might face gunfire at Shaheed Minar, but to us, that served as a wake-up call. We believed people would unite wherever the leadership appeared.

On August 4, I was at an acquaintance’s house in Maniknagar. The bridge in front of the house was being controlled by armed members of Chhatra League, Jubo League, and Awami League. They had set up a tactical checkpoint there, with nearly 100 armed individuals stationed. It was impossible to leave the house or even go nearby. We waited all day, even checked from the rooftop to see if there was any alternate route--but they had already identified us, so any movement was risky.

Nahid Bhai was supposed to go to Shahbagh that day. We had planned to meet there, but it didn’t happen. He told me, “Since you’re in a safer place, you should announce the next programme.” So we decided to hold a rally involving workers, women, intellectuals, and other stakeholders the next day. We believed a successful uprising would require broad participation.

I made a video announcement at around 2pm on August 4, outlining this upcoming plan.

The situation was already extremely tense. Awami League supporters were pouring into Dhaka from surrounding districts like Narayanganj and Gazipur. There were rumors of an internet shutdown, which made it necessary to announce the program quickly and publicly.

There was a lot of uncertainty behind this decision. It wasn’t made by any one person. Rather, it was the result of joint consultation among three to four of us--continuous communication and mutual input.

Phone communication was very difficult. Many people’s phones were switched off or unreachable. We had to call the same person multiple times. People were using airplane mode, VPNs, and other tools to avoid being traced.

After further discussion, we decided to bring the programme forward by a day. Many had advised us to reconsider, fearing that if the protest failed in Dhaka, the entire movement could collapse--and any misstep could cost many lives. The final decision was made with extreme caution and after thorough discussion.

BSS: What was your experience during the gunfire in Chankharpul on August 5? What actions did you take to rescue the injured, and what role did you play in planning the next steps of the movement?

Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan: On the morning of August 5, I was still in Maniknagar, unable to leave the house the previous day because of the heavy army deployment. Later, I tried to reach Chankharpul by CNG via the inner roads of Old Dhaka, which was relatively calmer.

When I arrived in Chankharpul, I saw police, Ansar, and some local groups involved in a shootout. I observed the situation from the rooftop of a building. Many people were standing directly in the line of fire -- and shots were still being fired.

I heard that two people had been killed, and one injured protester was being carried in someone’s arms. The scene was critical and chaotic.
The area had open construction pipes, which made movement very difficult during the gunfire. Because the intersection had a sharp bend, it was hard for the police to shoot straight -- but they were still firing from multiple angles.

In front of the Sohag Hotel, a young man named Anas was shot dead. That’s when we realized they were using snipers as well. A person right next to me was shot and died instantly.

We tried desperately to get the injured to emergency medical care. We coordinated with a procession coming from Jatrabari, which included many workers, to help transport the wounded to Dhaka Medical College Hospital. But that area was also under fire. Around 20 people were killed there.

Six of us were injured. The situation was so dire that the police eventually retreated, and then we led the rally into Dhaka and finally reached Shahbagh.

At Shahbagh, embassy officials and journalists began contacting us. Rumors spread that a military regime might be imposed, which caused serious alarm.

So I made a live broadcast, calling on everyone to come to Shahbagh and protest: “We will not accept martial law.”
Despite all the intense pressure and brutal crackdowns, the movement's participants showed extraordinary determination and unity.

BSS: When and how did you first hear the news that Sheikh Hasina had left the country? What was your immediate reaction and what did you decide to do next?

Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan: At that time, we were leading a massive march toward Gonobhaban from Shahbagh. After crossing Karwan Bazar, I received a phone call -- probably from someone representing an international news outlet like DW or AFP.

The caller said: “Sheikh Hasina has fled the country. What’s your reaction?” It was around 1:30pm. I was shocked. I couldn’t believe it. I immediately started calling different sources to verify the news. But network signals and the internet were weak, so it was difficult to confirm.

Once the information was confirmed, I tried to inform the crowd in the rally. But we didn’t have a microphone, and many people couldn’t hear -- and some didn’t believe it.

The rally surged forward like a wave, headed toward the parliament.

We knew we had to issue a clear message. The night before, I had already posted a five-point roadmap on Facebook outlining what should happen if Sheikh Hasina fled the country. Although the conditions weren't yet right for a formal announcement, we had already structured a framework of action to avoid confusion.

BSS: What was the most memorable moment of the movement for you?

Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan: There are many moments etched into my heart, but if I had to choose one--it would be the moment when Abu Sayeed was martyred. We were stationed at the Shaheed Minar, armed with sticks and stamp pads. Around noon on Friday, news came that Abu Sayeed had been killed. At first, we couldn’t confirm it. Later, we received confirmation from AFP.

I was the one who had to announce the news on the handheld mic. At that moment, everything fell silent. I saw my comrade’s blood in front of my eyes, and in my heart rose a vow: We will not stop this movement until we have avenged this bloodshed.

BSS: What were the biggest challenges in decision-making and planning programmes during the movement?

Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan: In the beginning, we -- those of us leading spontaneously -- made decisions collectively. Later, when a coordination committee was formed, the student activists, especially those of us in Democratic Student Force, would first discuss among ourselves, reach a decision, and then present it.

For example, Mahfuz Bhai initially proposed the idea of ‘BD Blockade’. After discussion, we agreed that ‘Bangla Blockade’ would be more effective--and we went ahead with that.

But later on--especially when enforced disappearances began, internet blackouts were imposed, and targeted killings occurred on the streets--it became impossible to make decisions through a larger process. At that point, decisions were made among just three or four people. Even then, we tried to coordinate with all relevant groups--leaders from Chhatra Dal (like Rakib Bhai), Chhatra Shibir (like Shadik Bhai), and leftist organizations.
When there was an attack at Shahidullah Hall, we regrouped with members from Chhatra Shibir, Chhatra Dal, and some activists from Jagannath University to reclaim the campus. In those moments of resistance, this solidarity became our lifeblood.

BSS: How much risk did your family face during the movement, and how did you deal with that?

Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan: When I was abducted for the first time, my parents searched hospitals and morgues for my body. Rumors had spread that I was either missing or martyred. Due to the internet blackout, they had no confirmed information. They even went to DRU (Dhaka Reporters Unity) to attend press conferences.

Throughout my 6-7 years as an activist, with all the jail time, harassment, and legal cases, it was my family who paid the heaviest price. Local Awami League leaders frequently threatened them. My parents never wanted me to live with such uncertainty--but I know, deep down, they were proud that their son had stood for justice.