By Poliar Wahid

DHAKA, August 6, 2025 (BSS)– Md. Nahidul Islam, a frontline activist during the July Uprising, became a symbol of state repression when a photo of police officers forcefully covering his mouth during a peaceful protest went viral on social media.

Speaking to BSS as part of our special anniversary series "July Awakening", Nahidul recounts the events of July 31, when he was arrested during a “March for Justice” procession near Matsya Bhaban. As he tried to explain the legitimacy of the student movement, a police officer clamped his mouth shut and threatened, “Shut up or we’ll shoot you.”

Born on April 2, 2001, in Ramgati Sadar, Lakshmipur, Nahidul is the youngest son of tree-trader Md. Siraj Uddin and the late Bibi Kulsum. He is currently a final-year student of Political Science at New Model University in Dhanmondi, Dhaka.

A committed believer in socialist ideals, Nahidul has been politically active since 2014, holding various leadership roles—from student representative in school to General Secretary and later president of his student wing, as well as Upazila-level publicity secretary in 2018. He played a leading role in every democratic movement since the 2018 student road safety protests.

Nahidul Islam, in an exclusive interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS) shared the tumultuous days of the quota reform movement, the journey of his political activism and his vision for a prosperous Bangladesh. Here is the full interview… 

BSS: What inspired you to join the quota reform movement?

Nahidul Islam: Since the post-independence period, those who had taken part in the armed struggle of 1971 were systematically deprived, as the newly independent Bangladesh continued to operate under a colonial state structure and governance system. These brave fighters were excluded from participating in the administration of the freshly liberated country. Power became concentrated in the hands of a single political party, and the state failed to give proper recognition or honor to the individuals who had risked their lives in the war.

This initial act of exclusion marked the beginning of a long legacy of discrimination. In the name of the quota system, a particular political party began constructing a loyalist group within state institutions—an elite class that benefited unfairly from the system. Over time, this group became complicit in and supportive of that party's various misdeeds and abuses of power.

Our movement to reform the quota system was, at its core, a struggle to expose this politicized and discriminatory structure to the general public. Through rational and justified reforms to the quota policy, we hoped not only to dismantle this corrupt patronage network, but also to open the door to broader changes. We envisioned reforms that would extend beyond quotas to challenge and transform the discriminatory legal frameworks, state governance systems, and even address chronic issues like unemployment that have plagued this country.

With that dream in our hearts, we raised the demand for a just reform of the quota system. Beyond this, we witnessed how our fellow brothers—students and young protesters—were being mercilessly gunned down and killed, like birds shot from the sky. Can any person with a conscience sit idly at home in the face of such injustice? Of course not. As a human being, driven by my humanity, I took to the streets. Moreover, over the past 17 years, I have been at the frontlines of every democratic movement in this country.

BSS: If you are called again, will you return to the streets?

Nahidul Islam: Why wouldn’t I go? Of course, I will. As long as there is breath in my body, I will continue to fight for truth and justice. Because we now understand—July has not ended. July has only just begun. This blood cannot, must not, go in vain. We are still on the streets. We have not returned home yet. And we will not return home until this country sees a complete transformation. We demand change. And until that long-awaited transformation comes, we will keep resisting.

Also, let me add something to my previous response—there can be no meaningful political reform in Bangladesh unless the toxic politics of tagging is eradicated. This July Uprising was, in fact, a rebellion against exactly that—against the politics of branding and stigmatizing dissent.

For years, people have been abruptly killed under the pretense of being Jamaat-Shibir. At times it was madrasa teachers, at other times indigenous leaders in the hills—branded as militants and subjected to horrific state violence. The entire country knows how this machinery of oppression functioned.

Enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings became commonplace—as ordinary as rice soaked in water. And all of it was justified through tagging.

But this politics of tagging left deep scars—like the mark of a convicted criminal—etched onto the hearts and minds of individuals and the society at large. People took to the streets to heal from those wounds, to liberate themselves from the burden of that scar. And that’s where this uprising finds its soul.
 
BSS: How do you emotionally recall the July uprising one year later?

Nahidul Islam: Honestly, I don’t want to remember those harrowing days. The memories still haunt me. The pain of our martyred brothers, the cries of the wounded—it all still echoes inside me. Until their dream of an egalitarian Bangladesh is realized, those memories will bring nothing but sorrow.

BSS: Can you describe the circumstances of your arrest and the viral image?

Nahidul Islam: The pre-declared “March for Justice” programme was scheduled for July 31. That day, as I approached the High Court area leading a procession, the police surrounded me. When I tried to speak to them, they forcibly covered my mouth. I was not allowed to utter a single word. I was suffocating. At that moment, I kept thinking—did our forefathers fight a war with weapons to free this country only for us to be silenced like this? Are these police officers even citizens of an independent country? As a citizen, do I not have the right to speak? If I am subjected to injustice, can I not protest? Can the state really clamp its hand over a citizen’s mouth like this?
When photos of that moment spread on social media, the police officer responsible faced heavy backlash from my fellow comrades—lawyers, social workers, and activists. Still, I was detained for nearly three hours.

But what truly shook me was when a police officer said, “Don’t speak. If you speak, we will shoot you.” I don’t even want to imagine that memory anymore. 

Because after they forced me into a vehicle, I was brutally tortured. They hurled unspeakable slurs at me. Those of us who were on the streets—we’re all traumatized. 

BSS: How did your university community respond to the movement?

Nahidul Islam: Students from my university were very active. But some teachers were shockingly complicit. The principal, ABM Belal Hossain Bhuiyan, who had fascist sympathies, still holds his post. That is an insult to the sacrifices of students.

BSS: Is there any personal memory from the movement you’ve never shared before?

Nahidul Islam: There were many such things. The fear of death constantly haunted us and drove us forward. We were fully aware of how difficult and challenging the struggle against this kind of fascist regime would be. That’s why we prepared ourselves accordingly. When we realized that the fascist government had begun to counter the popular movement using guerrilla warfare tactics, we too changed our strategy. To confront their guerrilla methods, we adopted guerrilla tactics ourselves. Surely, you understand what guerrilla tactics involve. 

BSS: When and where did you first join the movement in July?

Nahidul Islam: I have been an active participant in anti-fascist movements for a long time. I did not suddenly join the July movement out of nowhere. I have taken part in and led every legitimate popular demand against fascism. From the very beginning of the quota reform movement, I participated in and led programmes across various parts of Dhaka city. I don’t see any specific date worth mentioning here. The July uprising was a mass movement created by grassroots organizers. 

BSS: Did you sense Hasina’s fall before the one-point demand was announced?

Nahidul Islam: That period was very complicated and critical one. The intensity of the movement fluctuated every day. When the curfew was imposed, it became fairly clear that the government was politically weakened. They were trying to create panic through mass arrests and shootings. During that time, I sensed something unusual. The more harsh measures the fascist government took to stay in power, the greater the unity and alertness among the people across the country became. This gave us the mental strength to sustain the movement and guide it toward a justified outcome. When the curfew was imposed again for the third time, it became quite clear that the downfall of the fascist forces had become inevitable. The most significant thing was the wave of protest and unity spreading among the people of all classes and professions nationwide—that was the true sign of the fascists’ impending fall. 

BSS: On August 5 (36th July), where were you? How did you hear about Hasina fleeing?

Nahidul Islam: During the movement, I had to lead at different places at different times. Every day, due to various reasons, we had to change locations. Wherever I was assigned responsibility on a given day, I fulfilled my duties there. From the night of the 4th, we blocked the Railgate area. From the morning of the 5th, we gradually started moving toward Shahbagh. Around 12:30 pm that day, we were informed that ‘Sheikh Hasina is ready to flee. Everyone move to Shahbagh and head toward the parliament area.’ 

BSS: How did violence from police and Chhatra League affect ordinary students?

Nahidul Islam: The entire nation witnessed those horrific scenes. Those images are still deeply etched in the collective memory of the country. You surely remember how Awami League-backed goons attacked protesters, hardworking common people, rickshaw pullers, and even women. The brutality and oppression they inflicted remind us of the atrocities committed by the Pakistani occupation forces. We hope that such cruel scenes never return to Bangladesh again.
Those terrorist attacks only strengthened the resolve of both the protesters and ordinary people to jump into the movement, undeterred by the threat of death. The student quota reform movement had then transformed into a fight for survival — a struggle to save future generations from fascist rule.

BSS: What role did female students play in this movement?

Nahidul Islam: From the country’s liberation struggle and armed resistance to all democratic movements, and most recently the July-August mass uprising, the leading role of women is undeniable. Had our sisters not stepped forward, the movement would not have gained such momentum.
One of the most notable incidents was when a female protester was brutally beaten and bloodied by the Chhatra league goons, sparking a unified outcry of protest. In this movement, to protect their dignity and to avenge the blood of our martyred brothers, our sisters also plunged into the struggle with utmost strength and determination.

Women from every private university, public university, and various professions across Bangladesh who could not directly participate in the movement contributed in many other ways. I respectfully remember and honor their contributions. I take pride in having such courageous and rebellious sisters.
Regrettably, it is true that we have failed to give our sisters the respect they deserve. This is partly due to the narrow-minded attitudes of some individuals and forces. Some even consider July as their ancestral property, just as the fascists used to regard 1971 as their hereditary possession.

BSS: Which day of the uprising still haunts or moves you the most?

Nahidul Islam: The fall of Chhatra League and the collapse of fascist power—those days were indescribable. When Chhatra League crumbled, I knew Hasina wouldn’t last. The very next day, the entire nation took to the streets.

BSS: How did the quota movement evolve into a full-scale uprising?

Nahidul Islam: When Abu Saeed was martyred—it changed everything. He was our envoy, our imam. The growing number of martyrs—Waseem, Mugdho—intensified public outrage. Parents watched their children die, carried their bodies. People could no longer stay silent.

BSS: What is your vision for a post-authoritarian Bangladesh?

Nahidul Islam: The change of the authoritarian system — a step that has yet to be taken. In other words, Bangladesh has not yet been freed from authoritarianism. We are often shown one individual as the symbol of authoritarianism, but the reality is that the entire political arrangement of Bangladesh is authoritarian. Our hope is to change this authoritarian system and establish a representative arrangement that includes people from all classes and professions.